Les Chasseurs Forestiers

During a first visit to the battlefields of Alsace in May 2024, the inscription on a memorial in the heart of the Vosges Mountains prompted some research about garde général Lieutenant E.L. Renaud and lots of new learning about (for me, at least) an unknown unit described as one of the « troupes d’élite » of the French Army.

As the road west out of the village of Mittlach in Haut-Rhin runs alongside la Grande Fecht (a fast-flowing rocky stream of probably ice-cold water given that even in mid-May there’s snow still on the lee slopes of some of the higher reaches of the surrounding ridges of the Vosges), it runs past the intriguingly named Rocher du Kiwi and turns south-west into the Vallée du Langenwasen. At the road and stream’s bend stands a memorial bearing the traditional hunting horn emblem of the Chasseurs.

This is one of those occasions when my photography has let us all down, so you’ll have to take on trust that these are the words on the memorial1:

À LA MEMOIRE DU GARDE GÉNÉRAL E.L. RENAUD LT AU 68E BATAILLON DE CHASSEURS ALPINS, MORT POUR LA FRANCE LE 15 JUIN 1915.

IN MEMORY OF GARDE GENERAL E.L. RENAUD LT OF THE 68TH BATTALION OF CHASSEURS ALPINS, WHO DIED FOR FRANCE ON 15 JUNE 1915

1 There are also other web sites that have information on this memorial – but more of that later

It’s important to point out here that a garde général is not a General! To explain, we need to learn more about E.L. Renaud.

Louis Étienne Renaud (so, not ‘E.L.’, but ‘L.E.’) was born on 16 August 1888 in the 16e Arrondissement of Paris. This is a little surprising, given the recruitment centre for the 68e Bataillon de Chasseurs Alpins was in Grenoble in the Isère département. His service records, however, show he was a student at an agricultural science institute. An important fact we’ll return to shortly. His military service was notionally with the 41e RI (which recruited from the Rennes area). He was contracted at the mairie of the 16e Arrondissement for a voluntary engagement of four years with the regiment under “article 23 of the law of 21 March 1905”. This article set the parameters for military service for those who were entering any of the specialist schools – ­the « grandes écoles ». Here’s the relevant section:

A section of Article 23 of the 'Law of 21 March 1905' from Bulletin des lois de la République française, Source :  Bibliothèque nationale de France
A section of Article 23 of the ‘Law of 21 March 1905’ from Bulletin des lois de la République française, Source  :  Bibliothèque nationale de France

These schools offer an alternative educational system alongside the French public universities, and are institutes dedicated to teaching, research and professional training in either natural or social sciences, or applied sciences such as engineering, architecture, business administration, or public policy and administration. They include l’école polytechnique (also known as « l’X ») where the likes of Joffre, Foch, Fayolle, Estienne, Nivelle and Alfred Dreyfus were educated, l’École normale supérieure – its students, who are called normaliens, included politicians like Jean Jaurès, Léon Blum, Paul Painlevé as well as writers (Charles Péguy), historians (Marc Bloch) and philosophers (Henri Bergson), and those such as the former École Centrale des Arts et Manufactures (École Centrale Paris) and the École nationale supérieure des mines de Saint-Étienne. The École spéciale militaire de Saint-Cyr is also considered a grande école. Admission to a grandes école was, and still is, extremely selective. As Renaud’s military service makes clear, he was to be a student at one of the applied science schools – l’École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts – the école forestière in the above section of the 21 March 1905 law – and this also meant something special and distinct about his military career.

Alongside their training to manage and develop France’s huge forests as a national resource, students at l’École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts also received military instruction before, during and after their time at the school. If they were admitted to the school, they became a part of the cadre of an elite military unit – the Chasseurs Forestiers under an officer designated by the Minister of War. Upon leaving school, and if they were admitted to l’Administration des forêts, they were appointed sous-lieutenants de réserve d’infanterie and completed the planned training course in this capacity in the corps to which they were assigned. The director of l’École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts provided the recruiting offices with the names of the school’s students. The commanders of these recruitment offices would not assign to any unit of the active or territorial army officers who had not had at least 6 months of service in the l’Administration as « garde général stagiaire ». From his military service record, we learn that after his arrival on 8 October 1910, Renaud was a soldat de 2e classe and, in February 1911, he was promoted to caporal. He was nominated (which I take to mean admitted) to the school in October 1911 and in 1913-14 he accomplished a year of training as a sous-lieutenant.

But here we encounter an issue with the matricule militaire, because at no point does it mention that this service was with the Chasseurs Forestiers. Did Renaud, therefore, never serve in the cadre militaire of this corps ? Given that both the memorial near Mittlach and his matricule militaire state that he was a lieutenant with the 68e Bataillon de Chasseurs Alpins, was he indeed ever a part of the Chasseurs Forestiers?

To answer that question, first, we need to know more about the rather elusive Chasseurs Forestiers.

More on the Chasseurs Forestiers.

The creation of a military formation, les Chasseurs Forestiers, composed of regionalized companies was a direct product of France’s defeat in the War of 1870. France’s forests had been the subject of state control since medieval times. Increased regulation and ‘usage rights’ brought significant income to the Kingdom. By the late 17th century, royal forests were such significant sources of income that they were closed to most people and the royal administration responsible for forests had assigned the surveillance and policing of the forest to sergents and gardes, with officers of the royal forest administration service overseeing forest management.

By the time of the July Monarchy of Louis-Philippe (1830-1848) these gardes forestiers acted as guides for the military assisting them in navigating the forests in times when France was under attack. Meanwhile, from 1838, l’administration des Eaux et Forêts was established in colonial Algeria where an extension of the approach to forestry in métropolitaine France gave rise to numerous conflicts.

After the defeat of France by Prussia, the entire French nation went through an agonising self-examination in a vast range of military and civil functions in an endeavour to learn from the disasters of the war. In forestry administration, the situation was no different. Many of the forestiers themselves had suffered from the disorganization, and even chaos which had deeply marked them, and wanted to avoid the repetition of similar situations. Because of this, they lobbied for real “military status”.

A decree of April 2, 1875 incorporated forestry personnel into the composition of the country’s military forces by creating “companies, sections and detachments of chasseurs forestiers”. Military training thus made its debut at what was then the École nationale forestière at Nancy. The administration des Eaux et Forêts was integrated into the French military forces and its personnel attached in times of war to chasseurs forestiers companies. In peacetime, its personnel ensured the continuity of the forest service and carried out forestry surveillance and other administrative functions. In times of war, its mission was to facilitate the progress of troops in the countryside and to support the army’s Engineer units in the supply of wood.

But there was no clear “employment doctrine” (doctrine d’emploi) for the chasseurs forestiers. They were simply distributed throughout France in 48 companies (including 2 fortress), 36 sections (including 18 fortress) and 15 detachments. In Algeria, three squadrons of mounted infantry were organized, one per unit.

The decree of 1875 was modified and supplemented in 1882, in 1883 and especially by that of November 18, 1890, after which the corps de chasseurs forestiers comprised 6,500 men (6,000 in mainland France and 500 in Algeria) and 280 officers (260 in mainland France and 20 in Algeria).

As for uniforms and weapons, these were provided by the army as well as equipment (bags, cartridge belts, gaiters, shoes) and camp materials. The uniform was that of l’Administration des forêts. The Chasseurs Forestiers, being classified among the « troupes d’élite » bore distinctive signs.

  • Uniform of a Chef de bataillon chasseur forestier
  • Dark green képi with silver piping and the hunting horn of the chasseurs of the type that Renaud would have been issued as a Garde Général Stagiaire / Sous-Lieutenant of the Chasseurs Forestiers in 1914.
  • Uniforme forestier with trousers in a dark blue-grey (pantalon gris-de-fer bleuté) with daffodil piping (passepoil jonquille) and the coat in 'finance green' (vert finance). There are leather gaiters and chevrons showing length of service on the upper left arm.
  • Group of 10 Chasseur Forestier other ranks with an NCO in two ranks (front rank kneeling). They are armed with rifles and are wearing equipment harness. The photograph shows how the collar insignia of other ranks was darker than that of officers, warrant officers and NCOs.
  1. Chef de bataillon chasseur forestier, inspecteur des Eaux et Forêts, 1909-1918. Note the collar insignia, the dark green of the tunic (drap vert foncé). [Source: Aussie Oc, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons]
  2. Képi with silver piping and the hunting horn (cor de chasse) of the chasseurs of the type that Louis Renaud would have been issued as a Garde Général Stagiaire / Sous-Lieutenant of the Chasseurs Forestiers in 1914. [Source: Aussie Oc, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons]
  3. Uniforme forestier with trousers in a dark blue-grey (pantalon gris-de-fer bleuté) with daffodil piping (passepoil jonquille) and the coat (manteau) in ‘finance green’ (vert finance). There are leather gaiters and chevrons showing length of service on the upper left arm.
  4. Group of ten Chasseurs Forestiers other ranks with an NCO in two ranks (front rank kneeling). They are armed with rifles and are wearing equipment harness. The photograph shows how the collar insignia of other ranks was darker than that of officers, warrant officers and NCOs. None of the men appear young. [Source: Aussie Oc, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons]

Étienne Renaud’s Brief, But Eventful, War

All these details concerning uniforms and the organisation of the unit in relation to the Administration des Eaux et Forêts are important when used alongside other sources. Renaud’s matricule militaire is rather sparse on detail aside from what’s already been provided. Luckily, useful information is available to draw on via the web. Of course, research in the archives of the Service Historique de la Défense (SHAD) at Vincennes in Paris would be the optimum. But, given such a trip needs careful planning and is best when a decent quantity of potential historical sources to consult on a variety of topics has been identified, I’m at the stage at present of seeing what’s available online and in digitized form.

The usual route to follow for me is to do an initial web search, then look at the individual’s matricule militaire, before moving on to look at the digitized unit histories that were published after the war and have been the subject of an extensive digitisation programme by the Bibliothéque Nationale de France (BNF). From there, it would be Les Journaux des marches et opérations (JMO) of the relevant military unit(s) – the rough equivalent of the War Diary of anglophone units.

In the case of our man, Étienne Louis, there was a wealth of information on the web and in the unit history of the 68e Bataillon de Chasseurs Alpins for us to learn a good deal about this officer’s impressive war service. Despite it being tragically short in length, it was filled with incident.

Illustrated cover of Pages de Gloire du 68éme Bataillon de Chasseurs Alpins 1914-1918 featuring a chasseur in traditional béret or tarte and in dark blue (indigo) uniform carrying a full set of equipment including haversack, helmet, rifle, walking stick and wearing insignia suggesting lengthy war service. In his right hand he carries a trumpet (NOT the traditional 'cor de chasse') which has a pennant attached. The illustration seems correct in a great many important details (insignia, etc).
Pages de gloire du 68e bataillon de chasseurs alpins : 2 août 1914-30 mars 1919

Renaud merits several mentions in the unit history of the battalion. In the first of these, we’re told how in November 1914:

« Soutenue par la section de mitrailleuses du bataillon, la 9e compagnie progresse sur les crêtes boisées d’Ebeneck, en chasse instantanément les défenseurs et s’installe aux lisières du bois. De là elle peut couvrir sur la gauche l’opération de Rimbach à laquelle prennent part la 7e compagnie et un peloton de la 10e. Les mitrailleuses du lieutenant RENAUD entrent en action dès leur installation et brisent dans l’œuf une contre-attaque importante. Rimbach est occupé pendant trois heures au bout desquelles on procède à l’évacuation volontaire, ordonnée par le commandement. »

This is interesting since command of a machine-gun section suggests an officer already assessed as capable and brave and seemingly established with the battalion. But more than that. On the same page, there’s a photo of a group of officers and among them is Renaud. Here it is:

Officers of 68e Bataillon de Chasseurs Alpins in a snowy forest. All wear the Mle. 1889 béret. Étienne Renaud has a single inverted V indicating his rank as sous-lieutenant on his lower left sleeve. He and two other officers carry long walking poles. His pantalon are clearly different in shade to the others and so is his 'cor de chasse' collar insignia (the other officers wear the number '68').

From left to right:
Rear row : Cap. DUPONT, lieut. DESBENOIT.
Middle row : Cap. LAVAUDEN, aide-major GUILLAUME, Cap. BALLON, sous-lieut. RENAUD.
Front row : Médecin-auxiliaire PINARD, lieut. SABATTIER.

The other officers can be identified as part of 68e Bataillon de Chasseurs Alpins because they all wear the Modèle 1889 béret and have the number ’68’ as collar insignia. Étienne Renaud’s pantalon are clearly different to those worn by the others and so is his ‘cor de chasse‘ collar insignia. He has a single inverted V indicating his rank as sous-lieutenant on his lower left sleeve. Until November 1915 when the chasseurs alpins adopted hunting horn collar insignia, these differences in collar insignia are a good pointer for identifying chasseurs forestiers. It’s less easy to be definitive based on the differences in shade of his tunic and breeches (uniforms wore out rapidly during war service and standard issue replacements were not readily available until after the introduction of the horizon bleu uniform towards the end of 1915). However, uniform regulations by 1914 prescribed they were to be made of a cloth close in colour to blue-grey with daffodil yellow piping for sous-officiers and chasseurs forestiers, but with a double band of finance green either side (« de part et d’autre ») of the piping for officers. I think this is enough to confirm the unit of service for Étienne Renaud.2

We next find lieutenant Renaud mentioned for his part in the fighting around Steinbach where French attempts to take the village and then the town of Cernay saw fighting sway back and forth over the last days of December 1914 and the first of January 1915:

« Le 30 décembre, à l’exception de la 10e compagnie
… les 7e, 8e et 9e compagnies montent en ligne devant Uffholtz, le centre du bataillon sur la croupe de la chapelle Saint-Antoine, la droite en liaison avec le 152e régiment d’infanterie, qui, depuis une semaine, vient de s’illustrer dans l’opération hardie de la prise de Steinbach. … Dans la nuit du 1er au 2 janvier, attaqué après de sérieux bombardements, le bataillon repousse victorieusement trois fortes tentatives de l’ennemi en vue de la reprise de la croupe Saint-Antoine. Installés dans des trous d’obus, les mitrailleurs du bataillon font merveille et sous l’impulsion de leur chef de section, le lieutenant RENAUD des chasseurs forestiers*, coopèrent dans une très large mesure à l’échec de l’ennemi. »

* my emphasis

Renaud, it seems, was a chasseur forestier officer serving with a battalion of chasseurs alpins but preserving his rank, uniform and distinctions. This may explain why, of the 48 forestier companies in France at the outbreak of war, there are very few JMOs (4 – those for 9e, 14e, 16e and 18e) or unit histories (1 – 1ère Compagnie de Chasseurs Forestiers) for the companies. From another useful source of information, the Forum PAGES 14-18, a useful post explains that in May 1914, the Minister of War specified that in the event of mobilization for war, only those under the age of 48 were called upon to join chasseur forestier companies that would form on the outbreak of war. These units would then be attached to large formations of the army. Other officers would stay in their peacetime posts to ensure the continuity of the forestry service, avoid the pillaging of the forests and fulfil the information and guide missions that the military authority would entrust to them locally. Furthermore, only gardes généraux and les inspecteurs adjoints (deputy inspectors) were for front-line service – a fact that explains why on the war memorial of the we can see on the monument aux morts of l’Ecole forestière de Nancy there are the names of 96 former students who were killed between 1914 to 1918. Many more were wounded or taken prisoner.

[If anyone can provide a photograph of this memorial or a link to a web site with more detail, by the way, please get in touch.]

Casualties among the forestiers were such that in 1916 they were withdrawn from front-line service (along with many engineers and specialists essential to the continuation of the industrial war effort). This avoided the “total eradication” of the 25/40 age group, but the gaps created could not be filled after the war until around 1930. Away from the trenches, the forestiers were assigned to supplying the armies with wood in the forward zone as part of la service forestier des armée or to guard duties at the headquarters of senior commanders like Joffre. (I’m looking for photographs of visits by the likes of Kitchener, French and Haig to see if I can spot men in this role).

Lieutenant Étienne Louis Renaud was one of those who did not survive the war. On 15 June 1915, 68e bataillon de Chasseurs Alpins (among them capitaine Robert Dubarle, who I hope will be the subject of a future blog post), was to participate in the French offensive that aimed to seize the small town of Metzeral in the valley of the Grande Fecht.

To capture Metzeral in the valley, the French first had to take the heights of Anlasswasen to the west of Metzeral and the Braunkopf to the north. For its attack on Anlasswasen (Côte or collet 955), two companies plus one platoon of 68e bataillon de Chasseurs Alpins were to tackle the enemy positions on the slopes of 955 which faced Sondernach and a pentagonal enclosure located between 955 and the bois de Winterhägel. (See the map from the unit history and the modern IGN map below):

Données Cartographique © IGN

However, when the French preparatory bombardment began at noon, German artillery batteries responded in turn and soon a barrage ‘of incredible violence’ fell on collet 955 and in the rear, causing heavy losses to a battalion of the 152e RI in reserve at 1025. As the batallion history describes:

« Au cours de cette réaction, le bataillon éprouve une perte douloureuse en la personne du lieutenant RENAUD, commandant du peloton de mitrailleuses. Un aveugle éclat d’obus vient frapper en pleine poitrine ce vaillant officier, au moment où il dirigeait l’installation d’une mitrailleuse destinée à appuyer l’attaque. Sa mort, que ses chasseurs et ses camarades ressentent amèrement, sème une impression de tristesse sur tous les visages. »

From another forum, dedicated to the chasseurs battalions, we learn that Renaud was buried in the cimetière communal de Kruth. He had also received three citations – two in army, and one in divisional, orders. These were:

1. « A l’Ordre de la Division. Lieutenant au 68e Bataillon de Chasseurs à Pied : extrêmement énergique et courageux, toujours en avant, remplit les missions les plus périlleuses. »

2. « A l’Ordre de l’Armée. A fait preuve au combat du 7 mai, comme officier mitrailleur, de belles qualités militaires ; accompagnant avec ses mitrailleuses les troupes de première ligne, s’est installé avec elles sur la position conquise et s’y est maintenu sous un violent bombardement, assurant par le feu de ses pièces le succès définitif. »

3. « A l’Ordre de l’Armée. Officier plein d’entrain, de sang-froid et d’audace ; toujours volontaire pour les missions les plus dangereuses. Au combat du 15 juin, est mort à son poste de chef des mitrailleuses, comme il avait vécu depuis le début de la campagne, en chef héroïque. » »

Finally, the battalion history explains one more aspect of the story of lieutenant Renaud, garde général and officier des Chasseurs Forestiers:

« Désireux d’honorer la mémoire de ses officiers tués au cours de l’avance sur Metzeral, le bataillon obtient l’autorisation de donner leurs noms à des points de ce territoire sur lequel il vient de répandre si généreusement son sang : Le camp de Mittlach-le-Haut où s’installe le train régimentaire, s’appelle désormais « camp RENAUD » et on y érige un monument à la mémoire du vaillant forestier. »

My longest blog post so far, and one that I hope has done justice to the story of the man and the unit.

2. A second photograph in the unit history shows the officers of the battalion in February 1915. In this photograph, Renaud is stood next to the battalion mascot, Théophile, a young Alsatian boy kitted out with the full uniform of a chasseur alpin. The boy clearly can’t hide his delight in his new status.

Google Map Resources: Les Régiments d’Artillerie de Campagne [RAC], 1914

The fifth resource using Google Maps – a visual reference resource to make some of the ‘core information’ on the French Army in the First World War easily accessible.

Les Régiments d’Artillerie de Campagne shows the location of the Field Artillery Regiments by their Base HQ.

The map contains some additional information on the French artillery in 1914.

As with previous maps, this map is embedded as a link and immediately available ‘on click’ in a new tab:

Les Régiments d’Artillerie de Campagne by Home HQ, 1914

Feedback on the value and accuracy of these maps is always welcome, so do send a comment if you wish.

French Private Memorials: What’s the Story?

On a long straight stretch of the D995 road that runs across the Marne département from Vitry-le-François along the valley of La Saulx river and the Canal de la Marne au Rhin, outside the rural commune of Le Buisson stands a memorial to the 11eme Compagnie du 72eme Régiment d’Infanterie (RI). It commemorates that unit’s actions in the fighting of 6 September 1914 – what we know as the First Battle of the Marne. But we’re over 100km from the area traditionally associated with ‘the miracle of the Marne’ and Gallieni’s Paris Taxis. This was the sector of Fernand Langle de Cary’s 4e Armée and, although elsewhere the Allied forces were turning on the German forces that had pursued and harassed them during their retreat after defeat in the Battle of the Frontiers and making tentative beginnings at offensive operations, here the story on that day and for some days after was still very much one of retreating French forces trying to stop, or at least delay, their German opponents.

This was the nature of the action which 72e RI was fighting and which the memorial to the 11e compagnie commemorates.

Memorial to the 11th company of the French 72nd Infantry Regiment - a grey stone obelisk with a wide base with a steel broadsword horizontally fixed to its longest side and narrowing somewhat to a flat top and having a cross and dedication on the narrower upper part

Memorial to the 11eme compagnie du 72e Régiment d’Infanterie. Combat du 6 Septembre 1914: le Buisson, Marne (51). (My own collection: June 2022).

It’s a sizeable memorial. When I first saw it, I was surprised to discover that it was a memorial to such a relatively small unit – one company of just 200 men. And looking into the background to it and the events of early September 1914, I’m still mulling over why these particular events at that particular time were the focus of subsequent memorialisation by the unit’s survivors.

But the memorial doesn’t stand on its own. Enclosed by a hedge of shrubs, the memorial has an individual soldier memorial to keep it company. Hippolyte Honoré François Joseph BROSSE was a member of the same regiment and the same company. His name appears on the main memorial. But he has his own monument as well. The obvious question again and again is ‘Why?’

Memorial at le Buisson, Marne (51) to soldat de 2e classe Hippolyte Honoré François Joseph BROSSE of Taverny, Seine-et-Oise (now in the Val d’Oise (95) département). (My own collection: June 2022).

Why this particular soldier (after all, Hippolyte was ‘just’ an ordinary private)? Well, we know from the stone that this is where he was killed in action (actually his Mort pour La France index card states he died as a result of injury « suite de blessure »). But why him? The 72e RI was involved in fighting from September 6 to 11, 1914, defending an area covering the villages and hamlets of Le Buisson to Pargny-sur-Saulx and then further south, around Maurupt-le-Montois. The regiment lost nearly 1,800 soldiers (killed, wounded, prisoners, missing) during this fighting. Here’s one man commemorated with his own stone and dedication.

Also, there’s that dedication in Latin: Cecedit miles fortis in proellio – ‘A strong soldier dies in battle’. It suggests Hippolyte Brosse deserved, in the eyes of his comrades or (more probably) his family, some recognition for his actions in battle. Perhaps, of course, not just, or specifically, in this battle. This was where he died. He may have seen fighting elsewhere, but the 72e RI had seen relatively little action in the advance to, and the retreat from, the Belgian frontier after the defeat and appalling casualties inflicted on French forces elsewhere and, although the 11eme compagnie of the regiment gets a few mentions in this period in the regiment’s Journal des marches et opérations (JMO) – the equivalent of a British Army unit’s War Diary – there’s nothing detailing significant fighting. So, it seems reasonable to assume that, if the commemoration is for actions in combat, it was here. Exceptional soldierly conduct during the very long retreat the regiment had endured can’t, of course, be entirely ruled out.

All we can learn from the regimental JMO of the fighting of 6 September 1914 – the day soldat de 2e classe Hippolyte Brosse died – is that in the morning the 3e Bataillon (of which the 11e Compagnie was a part) was ordered to move forward to relieve the outposts (les avant-postes) of the Corps Colonial and this brought the company to Le Buisson. Around 9.00am, a strong German attack began that forced the battalion to retire. Two unsuccessful counter-attacks by the 10e and 12e compagnies took place in the afternoon and in the night the battalion regrouped on the Moulin de Maurupt.

The defence around Pargny-sur-Saulx and Maurupt-le-Montois by the regiment continued until 11 September with considerable losses to both sides. However, the regimental JMO then describes how the 72e, on 12 September, having been reinforced with 295 men, advanced in pursuit of the Germans who had begun retreating towards the North. The end of their battle of the Marne.

I’ve found no subsequent citation or mention for Hippolyte Brosse in the JMO and there’s no official recognition for his actions recorded on his service record in the registres d’incorporation militaire held in the Archives départementales des Yvelines et de l’ancienne Seine-et-Oise. In fact, it’s very sparse … and sadder for that. You can see for yourself here.

Searches to establish something about his family background (such as whether his parents were wealthy, influential or both) have yielded no clues. The family seems the more likely of the two most obvious options for the memorial stone and dedication given the date of Hippolyte’s death and the very slim life chances for « ceux de ’14 » to have survived the war.

The purpose of this blog post wasn’t to provide answers. Further research (perhaps looking at the post-war regional press to find an account of the unveiling and dedication ceremony (or ceremonies for the two memorials)) might give useful information on what was a relatively exceptional tribute for one of the approximately 1,357,800 French dead in the war. What can be said is that each of the French private memorials on the Western Front (and there are undoubtedly more French private memorials than say, British or American*) has its own story attached to it. Each merits a study of the individual and what the memorial is commemorating – the deeds of the soldier and his death in battle, or simply the man, perhaps as a loved and cherished family member whose life was cut short in the tragedy of war.

The circumstances of each man’s death can provide a wealth of insights into the conduct of the war and the realities of the individual soldier’s experience. Hippolyte Brosse’s war was a very short one. He was « 19 ans, 10 mois et 13 jours » (as the Mémoire des Hommes web site tells us) when he died. From these two facts alone we’re reminded that wars are usually fought by the young (sometimes the very young – still a teenager in this case) and that, as a modern industrial war, la Grande Guerre was already ravenously devouring the lives of the men of the French nation from the earliest days. It would continue to do so for more than another four years.

* The situation with German memorials is complicated by Alsace and Lorraine being, effectively, a part of Germany until the Treaty of Versailles officially handed them over to France and by the years when German troops occupied areas of North East France).

Training and Competition in a French infantry regiment, November 1916

Here’s something rather nice that tells an interesting story. It’s the work of Pierre Perrin, whose letters and memoir of his war service you can read in « Un guerrier d’occasion, journal illustré du fantassin Pierre Perrin (1914-1918) » published by Editions Ouest-France in 2012.

It’s a poster or handbill for a Fête Sportive of the 27e régiment d’infanterie. But most of the ‘sport’ (Foot-ball [sic] apart) is really all about skill at arms.

27e Régiment d'Infanterie Fête Sportive (Sports Day) programme for 17 November 1916
27e Régiment d’Infanterie Fête Sportive (Sports Day), le 17 novembre 1916. From the collection of Pierre Perrin, agent de liaison et artiste au front, Archives départmentales de Saône-et-Loire Ref: FRAD071-008
CC-BY-SA 3.0

With First Prizes of 7 bottles of mousseux (sparkling wine), Second Prizes provided by the Comité Américain (which one – there were several – is not clear) and Third Prize in each competition of 4 bottles of mousseux, as well as a box of cigars for officer and for non-commissioned officer competitions’, the prizes were well-judged for the intended competitors.

There are competitions to test the skills of machine-gunners, semi-automatic rifle teams, riflemen, rifle grenadiers and bombers. The last are to be marked based on accuracy and distance.

And the context for all this drive to motivate the men of the regiment in this way is provided by this short extract from the regimental history:

Extract from Historique du 27e R. I. pendant la guerre 1914-1918 published in 19?? by R. Thorey (Dijon), accessed at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k6227030j 6 Nov 2022.

Two months’ instruction for the division and then the corps at the Camp de Saffais (a large training area in the Meurthe-et-Moselle département to the SE of Nancy) where liaison in the attack (including with aircraft) was a key area of focus. Each infantry section was also provided with precisely the weapons in which the competitions would test the men’s newly-honed skills – the light machine-gun or automatic rifle, the rifle grenade (amusingly described as V[iven].B[essières] ‘blunderbusses’) and the 37mm canon – a close-support weapon.

In Depth Images (2)

A postcard (carte postale) showing ten men who are from various units of the First World War French Army. Two men in the front row have arms in slings, while another is clearly a doctor (médecin). Five men stand on a bench behind the other five. Behind the men are trees and this looks like a park as two other park benches are visible. 
Three of the men are black. One in khaki uniform stands proudly with a look of confidence and one arm by his side, his right arm on his hip.

Carte postale from my collection. It shows an unknown location with wounded and recuperating men and a surgeon. The postcard is badly damaged on the reverse but looks to be dated 25[9?].10.1916. The carte was manufactured by R. Guilleminot, Bœspflug et Cie, Paris.

*** This is not the work of an expert! ***

Ever since I bought this postcard, I’ve wanted to use it for a blog post. I’m fascinated by the image, and I hope you are too. Sadly, the back of the card is quite damaged (looks like it was stuck to something). Also, to be honest, I keep having doubts about its veracity. The image is ‘upside down’ for the reverse of the card and is there just something too ‘studied’ in the poses? Is it really what it seems? But then again, why would anyone fake it?
Anyway, to the detail!

Star of it all, for me, is ce gar exuding pride and confidence. He wears the darker uniform of khaki* cloth of the armée d’Afrique, the turned-down collar favoured by the tirailleurs sénégalais and a calot (maybe not his? Read on) at a rakish angle. His collar has what looks like the daffodil-yellow edgings.

His calot. His collar…
Neither seem to carry the ‘fouled anchor’ of the colonial troops – although every time I expand the image, it looks like there’s something on the collar. The calot like those worn by all the others is probably horizon blue. But look at the guy with the pipe in the back row. Has he and our man swapped hats? The double-breasted M.1914 tunic (paletot) looks right otherwise. It has the two pockets with outside flaps and the ‘pointed cuff’ made of more daffodil yellow braid (see below).

These details suggest we are looking at a fairly late war image. Also, it doesn’t appear cold and there are leaves on the trees. Late spring 1918? So, not 1916 as the message on the card suggests? Another doubt.

It’s interesting that the guy behind him doesn’t seem to be wearing the khaki colonial uniform. But there are several reasons for this that should be obvious.

And then there’s the man in the beret. We can clearly see his insignia. Should be easy to identify his unit, right? Notice, by the way, he wears his beret in the ‘opposite’ style to the chasseurs à pied.

It’s at this point I descended into the murky world of les crapouillots – the trench mortar units. They need a whole blog post of their own. But the bottom line is that he wears the insignia of a member of a batterie de 58 on his beret. A trench mortar battery. But it looks to be upside down! That’s not, I think, totally unusual. So, what about his collar tabs? Nice and clear.

If the numbers (’49’) on his collar are in light blue on red cloth, they say he’s a member of the 49e régiment d’artillerie de campagne – which means he’d be on the ‘bigger’ mortars – by 1918, the 150 mm T Modèle 1917 Fabry, 240 mm LT Modèle 1916 or 370 mm Filloux. That doesn’t work. But the alternative – that he served in a trench mortar battery as part of the 49e régiment d’infanterie – only works if the collar tabs are light blue with dark blue numbers and dark blue braid. They aren’t. Chasseurs à pied? daffodil yellow on light blue. And remember the beret?

Ah, but during March 1918, the trench mortars of the French Army were reorganised into régiments d’artillerie de tranchée. Each régiment had 10 Groupes de 4 Batteries: 1 or 2 of 58 mm, 2 or 1 of 150 mm, 1 of 240 mm so … Doesn’t work. The regiments were numbered 175, 176, 177, 178 and 179ème. So, I can’t make his ’49’ map to a trench mortar regiment in 1918. Is there more insignia/headgear confusion (fun for them, confusing for us!) going on, or this is not taken at the time I thought.

Or we’re back to the question: Is it really what it seems?

The last bit’s going to be hard to write but … if someone colorized [that’s one ugly word] the image, that might offer clues. What am I writing?! Usually, unless in the hands of someone really skilled, the results are dreadful. Kill the thought. Admit it. This one’s got you beat!

Get in touch if you have knowledge, ideas or expertise. Let me know your thoughts. Feel free to tell me where you think I’m right or wrong. Also, tell me your sources and I’ll share the information here.

I hope you enjoyed the post.

* Although frequently described as drap moutarde by English-language sources, I’ve only seen this cloth (so far!) described as kaki, with some references to drap de jaune moutarde (cloth of a mustard yellow colour). Maybe it’s the influence of Second World War French Army uniforms that encourages this.

In Depth Images (1)

22 juillet 1916 – Bois de Lachalade (Meuse)
Au lieu-dit du Ravin du Triage, un barbier du 82e régiment d'infanterie rase ses camarades.
Réf. : SPA 8 N 221
© Pierre Pansier/ECPAD/Défense

22 juillet 1916 – Bois de Lachalade (Meuse) Au lieu-dit du Ravin du Triage, un barbier du 82e régiment d’infanterie rase ses camarades. Réf. : SPA 8 N 221 © Pierre Pansier/ECPAD/Défense

I really liked this photograph. There’s lots going on. So, I set myself the task of studying it in detail. Not as an expert or collector of militaria, but a learner. I came up with this list of things to draw attention to, and maybe hazard some informed guesses about. I shared what I found on Twitter. This post is an expanded version of what I shared there.

I wanted to show the richness of evidence in a single photograph and see the paths the details would take me on to build layers of knowledge. I think that part was a success and, like exercise, it’ll get easier the more you do it.

Let’s start with the unit: This information in the caption is confirmed by the collar insignia of the ‘headless’ man standing on the right – the 82e régiment d’infanterie (RI). Meanwhile, his left sleeve insignia (« chevrons d’ancienneté de presence ») (see below) say he’s had more than 18 months’ front-line service. These length of service chevrons had only been approved in April 1916 and just introduced in July – so they are very new here. His trade badge beneath the chevrons is difficult to be sure about – ‘Canonier-observateur’ or perhaps a ‘télégraphiste’ (were the latter engineers?).

He wears the ‘reduced’ style rank insignia on his lower sleeve and is a ‘Caporal’. There don’t seem to be any other signs of rank on other tunics but there’s another length of service chevron on the jacket that’s hung up. Intriguingly, the man being shaved is wearing gaiters.

This is a really good photo to see the M 1912 Other Ranks’ Boots as modified in 1916. The additional row of hobnails on the heel are visible in this expanded image.

Lots of questions remain. I need to do more learning about tunics and jackets. Is that dark piping on the breeches or the shadow of the seam? Is there more to learn about the officer? Dr Sarah Ashridge, a respected authority on such things, in response to my query, confirms that our man being shaved looks like he may be wearing the thin chain of a plaque d’identité – as is the man in the foreground. From 1915, the French identity tag system included discs to be worn around the neck & on the wrist, so that would fit. More info on French discs here: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0379073820304308

I’ve not commented on the location: Bois de Lachalade in the Argonne and what might have been happening in this sector at the time: the 82e RI was part of 9e division d’infanterie (DI) and had been in this part of the Argonne for over 18 months. The sector of the Haute Chevauchée had seen considerable mining activity and significant fighting in mid-1915. By 1916, it had notionally become a purely defensive sector, although mine warfare continued, broken only by a local truce lasting two months in Spring 1916. Nevertheless, the regiment had recently had to retake la crête de la FilleMorte, the name giving some indication of the closeness of the opposing trenches in the sector. However, the Journal des Marches et des Opérations (JMO) of the regiment on this day captures well the situation in a defensive sector:

« 22 Juillet. Même situation, mêmes emplacements. Pertes 2 blessés. »

But a change was coming and, in September 1916, the regiment was drawn northwards into the maelstrom of Verdun.

Google Map Resources: Les Régiments d’Infanterie Territoriale [RIT]

The fourth resource using Google Maps – a visual reference resource to make some of the ‘core information’ on the French Army in the First World War easily accessible.

Les Régiments d’Infanterie Territoriale shows the location of the Territorial* Infantry Regiments by their Base HQs. It also includes the Régiment d’Infanterie Territoriale (RIT) and Battalions Territorial de Chasseurs à Pied [BTCP or BTCA (they were all Chasseurs Alpin units)].

(* NB NOT the equivalent of the British Territorials! (The differences will be explained in a blog post).

As with previous maps, this map is embedded as a link and immediately available ‘on click’ in a new tab:

Les Régiments d’Infanterie Territoriale by Home HQ, 1914

Feedback on the value and accuracy of these is always welcome so do send a comment.

Google Map Resource: Les Régiments d’infanterie 1914-1918

The third of my Google Maps – a visual reference resource to make some of the ‘core information’ on the French Army in the First World War easily accessible.

Les Régiments d’infanterie 1914-1918 shows the location of active Infantry Regiments by their Base HQs. It also includes the Bataillons de Chasseurs à pied (BCP) and Bataillons Chasseurs Alpins (BCA). As with previous maps, this map is embedded as a link and immediately available ‘on click’ in a new tab:

Feedback on the value and accuracy of these is welcome so do send a comment.