Traces of La Grande Guerre in the Cemeteries of Paris: (2) Meeting the Dead

This is the second part of a two-parter on traces of la Grande Guerre in the cemeteries of Paris. In the first part, it was all about how those vestiges in Paris (but also, indeed, in any French community’s cemetery) have been shaped by people, by the Army and the State and by wealth, influence and status. Now, through real encounters in the cemeteries of Père-Lachaise, Montparnasse and Passy, what’s been shared so far helps explain the discoveries waiting for you.

Père-Lachaise

A cobbled road rises between two lines of tombs at Père-Lachaise Cemetery. There are grass borders on either side of the road. Grass grows between the cobbles. A blue sky and white fluffy clouds on a day in September.

Le Cimetière du Père-Lachaise is on the western edge of the eastern 20e arrondissement and we’ve got a useful guide waiting for us. With this blog, there seems little point in re-writing existing resources available online unless they need it because they contain errors of fact, obvious gaps or there’s no comparable resource available that can be drawn on. The usual criteria to go on is ‘English-language resource’ but, sometimes, the information is so readily available and intended as helpful that it’s wilful stupidity not to draw on it. Such is the case with le site des Amis et Passionnés du Père Lachaise (APPL) and its pages on la Grande Guerre 1914-1918, which is where many of the links in the next few paragraphs will lead you.

Père-Lachaise is reassuringly full of familiar names for the British and Americans. You can find all manner of celebrities you actually know (like Oscar Wilde and Jim Morrison) are buried there and if anyone mentions other ‘famous names’, there’s a chance you’ve heard of them (Frédéric Chopin, Edith Piaf, Honoré de Balzac, Sarah Bernhardt, Georges Bizet, Camille Pisarro, Georges Seurat, Marcel Proust, Olivia de Havilland and blah blah blah). Get the idea? It’s where you would want to be seen dead.

It’s the same for ‘celebs’ of la grande guerre. There’s Guillaume Apollinaire and Henri Barbusse and the politician Joseph Caillaux, whose attempts to find a peaceful way out of the war for France found him cast as “l’homme de la défaite” and tried and found guilty of treason. All this after his second wife, Henriette, had escaped the guillotine after shooting dead the editor of Le Figaro newspaper in what the jury decided was a crime passionel.

Barbusse’s grave carries a tribute « À la mémoire de notre camarade, pour nos années de combat commun » from fellow members of l’Association républicaine des anciens combattants (A.R.A.C.) (of which he was co-founder and president) – one of a number of French old comrade associations – in this case closely linked to the French Communist Party. The complicated array of associations des anciens combattants and their connections to the politics of the 1920s and 1930s deserve a whole blog post of its own.

Outside of writers and politicians, two of those who might be thought as ‘greats’ of the war buried in the cemetery are Gustave-Auguste Ferrié and Hyacinthe Jean Vincent. In both cases, their work had an impact that went far beyond their war work. Vincent features prominently in this blog post. In the slide show below, you can see his grave and the plaque that honours his memory and achievements. Ferrié’s grave features perhaps the most understated acknowledgement of his incredibly important work – the tribute from the lycée named in his honour: « en Hommage au Général et Savant ». Gustave-Auguste Ferrié’s contribution to France’s war effort through his work on wireless technologies and radiotelegraphy is another thing that deserves a blog post of its own – something for the future. An important engineer whose général rank came from his hugely important technological work.

There are other Great War generals here: Pierre Guignabaudet and Paul François Grossetti both died during the war – one of wounds received from a shell burst, the other from dysentery. Guignabaudet’s grave features a fine relief portrait of him in Adrian helmet. On the other hand, Joseph Louis Andlauer, Étienne André Bapst, Charles Théodore Brécard, Gustave Paul Lacapelle and Raymond Sabattier all survived the war and were buried in family plots. But Père-Lachaise is, as previously indicated, the last resting place of the great and the good and its diverse population reflects the breadth of experiences of the war. There are officers from well-to-do families, non-commissioned officers and ‘ordinary’ soldiers to support this.

Among them is Sergent Henri Ernest Sevalle, a reservist who rejoined the colours of the 37e Régiment d’infanterie on 12 August 1914 and who was killed on 11 or 12 October 1914 in the fighting at Foncquevillers (Somme) – a place many will know for associations with the British fighting on the Somme in 1916. Sevalle’s matricule militaire details that his remains were “buried in the garden behind the Gendarmerie 20 metres from the house at Foncquevillers”. His body’s here because, either during or after the war, his was one of the bereaved families that pressed the authorities to allow them to recover the remains of their loved one and bury them in the family vault. 

The bodies of brothers Marcel and Maurice Dupont (Maréchal des Logis, 7e Dragons and Sergent, 154e Régiment d’infanterie respectively) lie beneath a headstone showing the two in Adrian helmets in profile. Marcel died in April 1917 from wounds received in an accident while taking part in a training course for bombers in the use of grenades. His younger brother had died almost two years previously (18 July 1915) in fighting at Bois de la Gruerie (known as « le Bois de la Tuerie » in 1915 a deadly location). Beside both names are croix de guerre – each with an étoile of worn and indeterminate colour. Maurice’s service record mentions the posthumous award of the médaille militaire, but no CdeG. In Marcel’s case, however, it’s clear his star is silver having received a citation à l’ordre de la division in July 1916 for taking charge of a group of men dispersed by an enemy bombardment and leading them to a support position, though under intense fire.

  • A memorial in a church in front of a stained-glass window

Civilian Casualties of War

All the cemeteries featured in this post are primarily non-military in nature. So far, regarding Père-Lachaise, the focus has been on those who served in the military who are buried and remembered there. However, Père-Lachaise also has reminders that the war produced many civilian casualties. On Good Friday (« le Vendredi Saint »), 1918 (29 March), the church of Saint-Gervais Saint-Protais in the rue des Barres in the 4ème Arrondissement (the Marais) was struck by a German long-range artillery shell whilst a Mass was in progress. There were 91 dead and 68 injured among the congregation. Many were women. Among those victims of this incident buried at Père-Lachaise are Héloïse Strehler, Marie Thérèse Brisset de Morcour, Claudine Martin, Julie Marie Sophie Mouchet and her husband, Léonce. In this case, most are family tombs.

Also, in Division 89 of the cemetery are the graves provided by the City of Paris for the victims of two further catastrophes of war involving civilian casualties – the explosion of the grenade factory on rue de Tolbiac (October 20, 1915) in which 46 dead and 97 injured (again there were many women among the casualties), and victims of the attack by a German Zeppelin on the quartier de Ménilmontant on the night of January 29, 1916, resulting in an estimated 64 victims: 26 dead and 32 to 38 injured.

Montparnasse Cemetery – something tangible?

The windmill (le Moulin de la Charité) at Montparnasse cemetery.

At this point, let’s switch attention to Montparnasse in the south of the city. Montparnasse, too, has its share of ‘names’: Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir, Man Ray, Samuel Beckett, Jacques Chirac, the composer Camille Saint-Saëns, Charles Baudelaire, Susan Sontag, Jane Birkin, Serge Gainsbourg, Guy de Maupassant … (I’m trying to score hits across the board here). Here, there’s another guide we can draw upon waiting to help us in the form of « Héros de la Grande Guerre au cimetière du Montparnasse » available as a PDF from the website of the author, Philippe Landru. Landru has also produced a similar guide for Père-Lachaise. Having one of these guides with you is useful, but don’t just follow them. You’ll deny yourself the opportunity of making your own discoveries.

For example, one of the most significant individuals buried at Montparnasse, and a veteran of the Great War, Alfred Dreyfus isn’t mentioned in this guide. The man at the centre of the political scandal that divided the French Third Republic between 1894 and 1906: « L’Affaire Dreyfus ». A man arrested for crimes he didn’t commit and degraded as an army officer in front of his former comrades. A man who many in the army insisted was guilty and who denied the possibility of his innocence – in many cases because he was a Jew. A man who spent over four years imprisoned on l’île du Diable in French Guiana and, ultimately, survived to have his innocence proved and to recover his honour and position and continue his career. The same Alfred Dreyfus who, in the First World War, was a reservist artillery officer and saw action on the Chemin des Dames in Spring 1917.

While my photographs fail to do justice to the monument to Adolphe Pégoud, the first French ‘ace’ of the war who’d brought down six aircraft before he was shot down himself on the last day of August 1915 by one of his former pupils, Unteroffizier Walter Kandulski, I’ve included the ones I did take because they give me a reason to post a picture of his (seemingly not-lucky-enough) mascot1 now on display in the musée de l’Armée. His monument also tells us he completed « le premier looping de l’histoire de l’aviation ».

  • The grave of one of the most significant individuals buried at Montparnasse, and a veteran of the Great War, Alfred Dreyfus - buried with other members of his family and his descendants.
  • A not very good photograph of the memorial to Adolphe Pégoud. There's shadows and trees and a bad photographer
  • An even worse photo of the same monument to Adolphe Pégoud
  • Base of the Pégoud memorial
  • A stuffed toy penguin. Innocent witness to a tragedy?
  • Memorial including a photograph to Geneviève Hennet de Goutel
  • Geneviève Hennet de Goutel memorial plaque and photograph
  • The grave of Louis Verlhac, aspirant of 162e RI, mort pour la France (mplf) in March 1918
  • Photograph of the deceased on the grave of l'aspirant Louis Verlhac.
  • Representations of the médaille militaire (left) and croix de guerre avec étoile en vermeil et palme. They are discoloured and have leached verdigris.

A cemetery visitor might not be drawn to the memorial plaque and, therefore, the story of Geneviève Hennet de Goutel without Landru’s guide. Describing her as « Une infirmière de talent… », we learn details that are on her grave marker, but more too. Infirmière-major (Staff Nurse) at la Société de Secours
aux Blessés Militaires
(the Relief Society for Wounded Soldiers), hers is a story of France’s involvement in the war in the Balkans against the Central Powers. She was awarded the French croix de guerre and the Romanian Crucea Regina Maria (Queen Mary’s Cross, which rewarded those who contributed to the care of the wounded and the sick and those who distinguished themselves through their sanitary activity and service in time of war or epidemic), as well as the médaille d’honneur des épidémies – a French distinction for service in the fight against disease and epidemics. She herself fell victim to typhus in March 1917 while at Jassy in Romania, where she had established a hospital. There’s a good deal more in the guide.

The grave of (Fernand) Louis Verlhac, aspirant of 162e RI, MPLF in March 1918 represents one of the sadder aspects of an already-sad situation. As you can see from the photographs I’ve posted, his grave has his portrait photograph and representations of his médaille militaire and croix de guerre (notice the latter has a star and palm – a citation at corps level (« une étoile vermeille » according to his matricule militaire) and an army citation (the palm). But there’s clearly no one now taking care of this grave. Verlhac’s body was exhumed from a grave in what may be “Minorville”^ (I’d originally thought Lironville) – presumably at the request of his family. A dreadful irony then that in a nécropole nationale near the old front line his grave would be maintained by the state. Now, it seems there’s no one who cares enough to tend it.

Extract from a document that reads « Inhumé cimetière de (?) Minorville »

Equally sad is the shattered stone recording the death of Jean Rambach « sous Verdun »* on 8 May 1916. The upper half of the stone is (perhaps irreparably) damaged but an enamel plaque bearing Jean’s name and dates of birth and death survives. And from this we learn that maréchal des logis Jean (Isaac Edmond) Rambach of 12e Régiment d’artillerie died a day short of his 20th birthday.

  • The grave of le général Augustin Dubail
  • Wooden cross grave marker attached to a wall and bearing a plaque with inscription and a red rosette or poppy

However, even more obvious connections to the war are what inevitably draw the eye, and there are two things Montparnasse has particular examples of: stained glass and wooden crosses.

The stained or coloured glass of the tomb ‘Lazare – Lion – Famille Alfred Cahen’ illuminates the incredibly detailed and lifelike marble bust of le sous-lieutenant Armand Cahen (as shown in the header image for this article), which shows his regiment’s number on his collar tabs, the étoile on the ribbon of his croix de guerre and the fourragère on his left shoulder. The latter was awarded to Armand’s unit, 59e Régiment d’artillerie de campagne, in December 1918. Armand Cahen died at Maule (78), south-west of Paris in 1920. He’s likely, then, shown in his uniform from that date. His likeness is an example of an aspect of the cemeteries that I also saw. The tribute to the héro sometimes dominates the family history of the tomb or vault. I think this says something of the significance attached to loss in the cataclysmic conflict that was the First World War.

It’s also evident with the Olchanski vault. Here a stained-glass window imagines the moment on 6 June 1918 when le capitaine Jacques Olchanski of the 99e RI was killed leading his unit in the attack (cleverly, the German defenders of the trench being attacked are almost devoid of colour, except grey). One corner of the image is a portrait of Olchanski. Inside the entrance is a sort of framed slate engraved with details of Olchanski’s service and one of his citations (he gained 5). I’ve never seen anything similar and wonder if anyone else has. A marble plaque (not posted) also provides more detail.

Another of these vitraux patriotiques features as part of the individual tomb dedicated to le sous-lieutenant (Jacob) Marcel Suss – a former pupil of the elite school for engineers and scientists, the École Centrale des Arts et Manufactures de Paris. Suss (‘Süss’ in his matricule militaire) was an officer with 14e régiment d’artillerie during the First Battle of the Marne when he was killed on 9 September 1914.

There are generals buried in Montparnasse just as there are at Père-Lachaise. Augustin Dubail was a former Chief of Staff of the Army and, under Joffre, commander of le Groupe d’armées de l’Est, sacked as a consequence of the German attack on Verdun in February 1916, although he’d expressed repeated concerns over the state of the defences there. He was later Military Governor of le camp retranché de Paris. His status at Montparnasse as a general who held high office and who served during both the War of 1870 and the First World War is undermined by a général whose early death in the war and its circumstances and commemoration have a far greater visual impact. And it’s a cross that achieves this.

That general was (Marie Joseph) Eugène Bridoux, commander of the 5e division de cavalerie on the outbreak of war who, on 17 September 1914, was shot and killed by men of a German cyclist unit while reconnoitring by car in an area of fighting. His grave at Montparnasse remarkably still bears the remains of the cross that marked his original place of burial. It’s exposed to the elements and in a ragged condition – a remarkable survivor. For now.

However, Montparnasse can surpass even itself with another wooden cross – the original grave marker – in the family vault entrance (and, so, more protected from the elements) of le lieutenant Léon André Louis Bernard of the 7ème compagnie of the 102e Régiment d’infanterie, where one can still read, traced in black ink on the wood, his name and the number of the ambulance (6/4) where he died of his injuries at Verdun on 17 September 1916.

Finally, if you think these wooden crosses are a ‘Great War thing’, take time at Montparnasse to find the memorial to Aspirant Jean-Pierre Crémieux-Bach and Pierre Pupin.

The cemetery at Passy – Under the eye of la Tour Eiffel

The monument to Henry Farman on his grave at Passy Cemetery.  A relief of Farman hunched over the very elementary controls of one of his aircraft. There's also another relief portrait in profile of Farman in later life. 
The monument also says « Henry Farman a donné des Ailes au Monde ».

But now time to move on to le Cimetière de Passy which is on a raised level behind the rather-ignored Monument à la Gloire des armées françaises designed by Paul Landowski (who’s buried in the cemetery) is in a district described as ‘chic’. It’s definitely a cemetery with cachet – although why anyone needs that when they are dead is something I don’t understand. The names are sometimes more obscure but include Bảo Đại, the last Emperor of Vietnam, Alexandre Millerand – ministre de la Guerre on the outbreak of the First World War and later Président du Conseil des ministres and, ultimately, Président de la République française, the painter Édouard Manet, the composers Claude Debussy and Gabriel Fauré, Marcel Renault (of the motor company), There are actresses (actors if you prefer) and anarchists, and socialites and socialists, industrialists and novelists. Regarding other Great War connections, this was where Maurice Genevoix was buried until he was panthéonisé in 2020. I missed the grave of Maurice Gamelin – probably better known for his role in the Second World War but a member of Joffre’s staff and, subsequently, a divisional commander in the Great War. Philippe Bunau-Varilla is also buried here, as is Henry Farman, the aviation pioneer. Le général Charles Huntziger, known as a Vichy general and the man who signed the 22 June 1940 Armistice with Nazi Germany in the name of France in the same railway carriage where the Armistice of 11 Novmber 1918 had been signed, is also buried here. In the 1914-1918 war he was chef du bureau d’opérations at the headquarters of the Allied Expeditionary Force on the Front d’Orient (the Salonika Front). 

At Passy, the monument to the Wessbecher brothers, André and Henry is simple but demands a closer look. A cross with the date ‘1918’ and short inscription « Pour Toi France ». But, beneath it are the two deceased men’s ‘biographies’. In the case of André, there’s much more here than in his matricule militaire: the award of médaille militaire and croix de guerre, his service in the air service and even the manner of his death in June 1918 while flying low attacking enemy troops on the ground. In Henry’s case, death came in September 1918, although he’d previously been wounded and gassed. The monument records he was a chevalier de la légion d’honneur and had been awarded the croix de guerre. It seems from the cemetery records (digitised and available via the Geneanet website), that both brothers were originally buried elsewhere, before being re-buried in January 1921 at Passy.

Sometimes, the traces of les morts de la grande guerre are quite ephemeral. Digging deeper can reveal hidden histories. The family tomb inscription for bank employee and maréchal des logis Paul (Louis Fernand) Marcoux, tells us he was mort pour la France at Flaucourt on the Somme on 7 July 1916, but makes no mention of his brigade citation or the posthumous award of the médaille militaire in December 1920.

I photographed the headstone of (Georges) Robert Nivelle – the man who was généralissime and commandant en chef des armées françaises on the Western Front from December 1916 to May 1917 and the man most notably remembered for the military operation on the Chemin des Dames that began in April 1917 that’s usually given his name and that failed so badly to achieve its aims. Nivelle died in 1924. I should have realised, however, that Nivelle’s body was exhumed and re-interred at Les Invalides in 1931.

  • The inscriptions to two Jacques Petit Le Roy - one killed in the FWW, the other in the SWW

Throughout these cemetery visits, I was often struck by stories that went across the years, wars and even centuries. At Passy, there’s an example in the stories of two Lieutenants, both called Jacques Petit Le Roy. One being the uncle of the other. The first, (Albert Marie) Jacques, was an officer in 155e RI, Chevalier de la Légion d’Honneur and croix de guerre when, on 29 January 1915, he was killed by a bullet whilst in the front line « environ 500 m à droite de la route de Binarville à Vienne-le-Château » – another victim of « le Bois de la Tuerie ». His body was never recovered. His nephew, Jacques (Albert André Serge), was a 28-year-old member of the Forces Françaises de l’Interieur (FFI) – the combined military forces of various elements of the Second World War ‘French Resistance’ – who had fought in 1939-40. In August 1944, he was killed by a German patrol as he returned from delivering a message from le général Jacques Chaban-Delmas, responsible for military co-ordination between the FFI and Inter-Allied high command, to le général Philippe Leclerc, whose armoured columns were pushing into the suburbs of Paris while an armed uprising was struggling against the Germans occupying the city. There’s a road, Rue du Lieutenant Petit le Roy, named in his honour at Chevilly-Larue, where he was killed. It joins Rue de l’Adjudant-Chef Dericbourg, named after the member of Leclerc’s staff who was killed alongside Petit le Roy.

The last encounter with the dead of Passy Cemetery I want to mention is with Aspirant Jean (Ernest Claude) Bluzet of 232e RI, who was already the holder of the médaille militaire and the croix de guerre when he died of wounds at Ambulance 9/10, Villers-Marmery (51) at the age of 19 on 27 May 1917, and, more specifically, with his father, le colonel René(-Marie-Philippe) Bluzet, Commandant, la 117e Brigade, Officier de la Légion d’Honneur, croix de guerre, who pre-deceased Jean, dying of his wounds at Ambulance 1/59, Morville-sur-Seille (54) on 11 October 1915 at the age of 44.

I’d intended including the Bluzets as an example of father and son service and sacrifice, but also because of the attractive memorial with its Latin “Manibus Date Lauros Plenis” (“Give me armfuls of laurels”, perhaps). However, while putting together this post, I started reading Henry Morel-Journel’s Journal d’un officier de la 74e Division d’infanterie et de l’armée française d’Italie (1914-1918) and, by an amazing coincidence, after adding the Bluzets to the list of stories to cover, the next time I read Morel-Journel’s Journal, it was this I read:

Gelant dans la tranchée, nous nous retirons dans un abri souterrain en forme de tramway. Assis face à face sur des banquettes de terre, nous composons un groupe pittoresque ; dans le fond, deux de mes camarades qui ont passé une nuit blanche, sommeillent ; en face d’eux, le colonel de notre artillerie et un de ses chefs d’escadron, enveloppés dans leurs grands manteaux, semblent des figures hiératiques. Le général, lui, la bouche souriante, la cigarette à la main, est assis dans ce trou avec des attitudes de confortable élégance, comme dans un fauteuil de fumoir. Il écoute le lieutenant-colonel Bluzet, commandant notre 223e régiment — fin, blond, la figure d’un capitaine — nous raconter ses campagnes.

Morel-Journel, Henry. Journal d’un officier de la 74e Division d’infanterie et de l’armée française d’Italie (1914-1918) (French Edition) (p. 111). FeniXX réédition numérique. Kindle Edition.

« fin, blond, la figure d’un capitaine. » This was November 1914. Eagerly, I read on:

Le colonel Bluzet, au sortir de Saint-Cyr, a passé douze ans dans l’infanterie coloniale ; il faisait partie de la colonne Joffre qui a pris Tombouctou. Il nous parle des Touaregs, de leurs femmes aux traits purs qui ont le visage découvert tandis que les hommes sont voilés, parce qu’une fois les femmes d’une tribu repoussèrent un ennemi devant lequel les hommes avaient fui.

Morel-Journel, Henry. Journal (p. 112). FeniXX réédition numérique. Kindle Edition.

Reading back, I found this was the « fou » Bluzet (according to his divisional commander, général Louis Bigot), whose telegram had sent news of the German withdrawal from Lunéville on 12 September 1914 – a sure indicator of French victory in la Bataille du Grand-Couronné:

« Suis à Chauffontaine, dans une heure serai avec mon régiment dans Lunéville ».

Morel-Journel, Journal (p. 79).

And here he was, distracting those with him sheltering in an inadequate abri from a German bombardment with stories of his pre-war Saharan experiences. Memorialised in print and, after death, in the shadow of the Eiffel Tower.

I hope these two blog posts (together with my recent post on « Nécropoles nationales», « Cimetières » and « carrés militaires ») will encourage anyone who reads them to explore the cemeteries of Paris and those of any French city or commune with a better understanding of what stories there are to discover there, and that I’ve done something to pay tribute to those who served and died for France in la Grande Guerre.

* Here I think with the meaning ‘in the shadow of’ rather than more literally ‘under’. Rambach died at Montzéville (55) in the Argonne and was originally buried at Dombasle-en-Argonne.

^ Thanks to @nbuchon.me on BlueSky for their help in trying to interpret the handwriting!

  1. The subject, without foundation, of recent internet speculation. ↩︎

Traces of La Grande Guerre in the Cemeteries of Paris: (1) Introduction

In September 2024, I had the opportunity for a stay of almost a week in Paris and, without the need to consider the interests and tastes of anyone else, a chance to take in a range of historical sites relating to the First World War, as well as the siege of Paris during the War of 1870 and the Paris Commune. In this and a follow-on post, I want to focus on my time during that visit spent in the cities of the dead: the traces of la Grande Guerre in some of the cemeteries of Paris.

I’ve posted on BlueSky about one aspect of this before. The incredible memorial now to be found on the walls of probably the best known of the Paris municipal cemeteries, Père Lachaise:

This is the Paris memorial to those from the city who died during the Great War. It was erected on the wall of Père Lachaise cemetery in 2018. A view from a bus travelling one stop can’t fail to make you ponder the loss in that conflict

Debout les Morts ! (@vingtfrong.bsky.social) 2024-09-23T19:11:35.270Z

What you’re seeing on the short video are panels like these.

A single panel (the last one, including the last of the names beginning with 'T' and those names beginning with any of 'U-V-W' or 'X-Y-Z') from the Ville de Paris memorial to the 94,415 dead and 8,000 missing Parisians from the Great War of 1914-1918. The names are in white and in columns - there are 11 columns here - on black/grey.

These are the names of 94,415 dead and 8,000 missing Parisians from the Great War. The entire length of the memorial is 280 metres, and each panel is 1.30 metres high. It’s quite remarkable.

This is a recent commemorative response from the centenary period. Yet within the cemeteries of Paris, there’s evidence of France’s distinct approach to the scale of loss in the war and to the grief of families of the nation’s citizens in the immediate aftermath of the war. In the follow on to this post, we’ll look at what stories you can find in some of the Parisian cemeteries and the useful information that’s there to help and inspire you. First of all, however, a post to help with understanding why you may see what you see. How the French state and people’s responses to the enormity of the cost in terms of lives lost in the war bring us to where things are today.

A Rising and Inexorable Tide of Grief

From the outbreak of the war, bereaved families pressed the civil and military authorities to allow them to recover the remains of their loved ones and bury them closer to home. Responses to these requests fluctuated between authorization and refusal. In order to clear up the confusion, on 19 November 1914, Joffre formally prohibited any transfer of bodies from within the zone des armées (In a future blog post, I plan to share more detail on the significance of this division of the war front into zones). Only the bodies of deceased soldiers buried in the zone de l’intérieur could be returned, and there was a fee to be paid for doing so (as was the case in certain civilian circumstances).

Meanwhile, the French authorities wanted to bring soldiers’ graves in the zone des armées (which moved as the war front moved eastwards or westwards) together in official cemeteries. In some ways, the reasons for this are still there to this day: ease, and reduced cost, of maintenance; a desire to return land to agricultural or other use as soon as possible; and reduced ‘friction’ with local populations – the graves of whose loved ones, if known, might be altogether elsewhere. This was to be an exercise in doomed ambition. Isolated individual graves were elusive and often inaccessible – there being no zone of ‘current’ conflict separate from sites of previous fighting. In some cases, this is why they survive to this day. In others, the site of the grave was the scene of the action in which the deceased had fought – their surviving comrades or family wishing to commemorate their courage and sacrifice on the spot. During and after the war, the state tried to deny access to the devastated areas to families seeking to retrieve the bodies of their kin from battlefield graves. An unseemly struggle between the Republic and grieving relatives developed.

This article (in French) opens with an account of one grieving mother’s response:

“It is my duty to bring to your attention the following case. There is a military cemetery in the commune of St-Gilles. On May 29, Ascension Day, Madame Descoutis, director of the school in Montluçon (Allier) had the body of her son exhumed in the said cemetery and after placing it in a leaded coffin transported it to Montluçon by car. All this was done naturally without any authorization, as the law does not allow for the exhumation or transfer of military bodies.” 1

Under sustained pressure, and on the advice of a commission established under the presidency of général Édouard de Castelnau (who himself had lost three sons – Gérald (1879-1914), Xavier (1893-1914) and Hugues (1895-1915) – to the war), the government backed down and the law of 31 July 1920 finally allowed for the transfer of bodies from the war-zone.

As mentioned in the previous blog post, this marked a significant difference from the British Empire and Dominion experience where the Imperial War Graves Commission lobbied largely successfully for the bodies of those who had died abroad not to be repatriated, and for bodies scattered in isolated graves and makeshift burial grounds to be exhumed and ‘concentrated’ into larger cemeteries.

In the case of France, to keep control of the operations and treat all families equally, the government organized and funded the transfer of soldiers’ bodies. A department responsible for returning bodies (the Service de restitution des corps) was created within what became the Ministry of Pensions, headed by the war veteran and very important (for more than one reason) André Maginot as Ministre des Pensions, Primes et Allocations de guerre. From 1922 onwards, 240,000 coffins were returned to family graves, which represented one-third of identified bodies: considerably more than in the case of other nations.

A poster from le Souvenir Français illustrating the 'Cocarde aux couleurs françaises' placed by the organisation on the graves of soldiers who had died for France.

The cockade is a red, white and blue rosette with blue, white and red ribbon hanging down. This is set against a pair of curled laurel branches and above text explaining more about the work of the organisation.

Image: La cocarde du souvenir | fac-similé de la Cocarde aux couleurs françaises apposée sur les tombes des soldats français morts pour la France – AFF17788 – Lot 1 – Média 1 – L’Argonnaute – Bibliothèque numérique de La contemporaine

A pause here to add what I hope is thought-provoking additional information. The artillery of the war could and did blow men out of existence, such that no physical elements remained to be interred anywhere. Beyond these cases, nearly half of the dead were given no grave other than the ossuaires. The largest of these is at Douaumont and contains the remains of 130,000 French and German soldiers. This huge figure might lead to thoughts of exceptionalism if the nature of the fighting here (concentrated over a long period in a relatively small area and with the very real intention on the part of the Germans to inflict unsustainable losses on the French through attrition) is considered. However, in the largest cemetery on the Western Front at Notre-Dame de Lorette there are 20,058 bodies in graves and an estimated 20,000 in the ossuary. Almost equal numbers of unidentifiable fragments of men as bodies capable of being buried in a grave – a situation that can be found closely echoed in plenty of other places, large or small (examples chosen at random): Cerny-en-Laonnois : 5.150 bodies, of which 2.386 are en ossuaire; Dannemarie : 250 in individual graves and 139 ‘distributed’ in two ossuaires; Col de la Chipotte : 1,899 bodies, 1,006 buried in graves, 893 in an ossuary; Auberive : nearly 7,000 bodies, of which nearly 2,900 are buried in three ossuaries.2 Then, as noted in my post on war cemeteries, there are the individual ‘smaller’ (it’s all relative) ossuaires in many nécropoles with perhaps the remains of a hundred and sometimes as many as 3-4,000 bodies.

My posts on military graves and cemeteries and this one are intended to draw attention to how ‘hidden’ from understanding the true cost of the war to France in terms of lives really is. We don’t, by any means, have a true picture of the losses from the grave markers in a French nécropole. They only tell a part of the story. Although this is true of the British and German cemeteries as well, it’s especially so in the case of the French and Germans.

In summary, then, what anyone looking for traces of the First World War in the cemeteries of Paris (or indeed any French city, town or commune that was not under German control during the war) will encounter has been shaped by decisions made by the army and the state, and by communities and the bereaved families of dead soldiers – as well as by the level of wealth and influence and status of the individual or their family and networks. The influence of the zone des armées / zone de l’intérieur split can be seen and is often indirectly referenced as we’ll see and for which we’ll look at possible reasons. We’ll see the beauty and poignancy of tributes from families and others, and we’ll see endless opportunities to look deeper into aspects of the French military experience with connections to combat on land, sea and in the air. It’s a worthwhile experience for anyone interested in la Grande Guerre and a starting point to many other aspects of the huge subject of France and its people at war.

Note: This post has been influenced and shaped by the work of Professeure Béatrix Pau. a historian specialising in the First World War and particularly in death, the management of corpses and the ‘demobilisation of the dead’3.

  1. Archives Départementales de la Marne, 2 R 212, letter from the mayor of Saint-Gilles to the préfet de la Marne, 14 June 1919 quoted in Béatrix Pau, « La violation des sépultures militaires, 1919-1920 », Revue Historique des armées [En ligne], 259 | 2010, mis en ligne le 06 mai 2010, consulté le 15 mars 2025. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rha/6980. ↩︎
  2. There are exceptions such as Le Mont Frenet à La Cheppe – created in 1915 to bury those soldiers who died of wounds at ambulance 3/65, which operated from this site. A site, as a consequence, with no ossuary and most graves ‘known’. ↩︎
  3. In addition to the work cited above, see Béatrix Pau-Heyriès. « Le marché des cercueils après-guerre, 1918-1924 », Revue Historique des Armées  [En ligne], 224 | 2001. consulté 16 mars 2025. pp. 65-80., URL : www.persee.fr/doc/rharm_0035-3299_2001_num_224_3_5035 and Béatrix Pau, “Des familles divisées dans le deuil : laisser les corps dans les cimetières militaires ou demander leur restitution”. In Un siècle de sites funéraires de la Grande Guerre, edited by Annette Becker and Stéphane Tison. Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2018. URL : https://books.openedition.org/pupo/22662 ↩︎

« Nécropoles nationales», « Cimetières » and « carrés militaires »

Introduction

It’s common to see the terms Nécropole nationale, Cimetière militaire and carré militaire used seemingly without any underpinning logic for what the French refer to as lieux de sépultures de militaires français – military burial sites. This post looks at the differences and some of the key characteristics of these places of memory and mourning.

Carré militaire – ‘military square’

Not, as the English translation would seem to imply, a parade ground, but definitely a space intended to evoke the discipline, structure and order of military formations. A carré militaire is a section of a civilian cemetery dedicated exclusively to grouping together the graves of military personnel to create a solemn space where their memory can be collectively honoured. While, in Paris within the cimetière de Vaugirard, a carré militaire was created in 1882 for the soldats pensionnaires of l’Hôtel des Invalides – as the name implies, originally intended as a hospital and hospice for army veterans (as well as, in reality, a barracks, convent, and factory) – there’s a more ‘everyday’ example in the Cimetière municipal de Fontenay-sous-Bois (see images below). Here the headstones are of a design I’ve not encountered before, whilst the grave of Charles Guillemont is an example of an exhumé – a subject touched on in a future blog post, but briefly here a deceased soldier whose body is recovered (almost always by the family) and brought to be re-buried in another location – usually closer to ‘home’.

To be buried in a carré militaire, generally, the deceased has to have served in the armed forces and died in service, or after a period of ‘honourable service’. There has to be a formal request made by the family. This is important as it can connect to the exhumation of the deceased from a battlefield burial site previously mentioned. Proof of military service is required. There is a cost for the burial (although sometimes this is met by a body such as a veteran’s association or a local authority). The maintenance of the site is often under the care of local government organisations, Le Souvenir français or associations de bénévoles or other specialist groups, but the ministère des Armées (Ministry of the Armed Forces) has overall responsibility for the conservation of all the burial sites of French military personnel.

Cimetière militaire or nécropole nationale

The definition between these two is much more blurred and the terms are used to an extent interchangeably. For example, the enormous cimetière de regroupement (concentration cemetery) at Sillery in the Marne is frequently referred to as the « Cimetière militaire de Sillery » but is officially la nécropole nationale de Sillery. A nécropole nationale is, after all, a cemetery, but the distinction is sometimes made between a cemetery as a grouping of graves still in use, in which the dead continue to be buried, whereas a nécropole is a grouping of graves from past historical events. The latter is also associated with something old, large, and architecturally notable, whereas a cemetery implies something more ordinary.

The clearest official clarification is that of the ministère des Armées which speaks of « les nécropoles nationales [et] les carrés militaires en France métropolitaine et les cimetières militaires à l’étranger ». Cemeteries overseas, nécropoles and carrés in France. However, my impression is that often the ‘cemetery name’ is the ‘heritage name’ for a burial site – a name with some period of usage before the official nomenclature is applied, [possibly going as far back as wartime origins. That’s not to say that an ‘official’ name can’t have heritage as well, just that the intention to create a consistent official nomenclature for sights of burial and mourning is what visitors encounter on cemetery information panels – as well as in other situations (such as the IGN maps).

Planned Égalité ?

In layout, French war cemeteries (whether carrés militaires, cimetières or nécropoles françaises) may seem more uniform and plainer than those of other nations. In part, this is because no architects were involved to give individual character to their construction – a significant contrast to the Commonwealth War Graves Commission sites, for example. The entrances uniformly have laurel leaves and croix de guerre like this one at Cormicy.

A French war cemetery 'croix de guerre' in close up against a stone wall. A cross made up of 4 equilateral triangles with their apex toward the central disk in which a woman bearing a 'Phrygian Cap' - traditional headgear from the period of the French Revolution - is seen in profile. Between the triangles that make up the cross are two crossed swords with white metal blades. The overall is otherwise of a brass or yellow metal.

Rules for their basic form mean rows (often of double graves) are separated by a central aisle leading to a pole where the French national flag flies. Individual decoration of graves is prohibited. Variations for religious reasons are what usually draw the eye – (although I intend to present, in a future post, evidence of just how much variety there actually is in the grave markers still present in French cemeteries). Large unit memorials may be present, and sometimes modern commemorations created during the Centenary. The most deceptive elements, however, are the seemingly innocuous mass grave markers for ossuaries like this.

An edifice of stone and cement with a concrete plinth on top and a plaque reading 'OSSUAIRE No. !. Beneath this plaque is a further one reading 'Ici reposent 3025 Français Inconnus at' then a list of names in 4 columns.
Below the names are the words 'Relevés dans les cantons de BOURGOGNE et FISMES | Morts pour la France'.

The cemetery’s size can, therefore, be misleading as to how many casualties are actually buried there. It’s not always the case that an ossuary contains ‘unknown’ dead – as the previous photo and these of the 3 « ossuaires » at the Nécropole nationale de Friscati show. However, only a close look at the numbers actually buried beneath these markers really brings home their meaning. You may find similar markers in German war cemeteries. Don’t fail to look at each one and take a moment to absorb the scale of loss they represent.

Returning to the layout, regulations say the ground should be covered with grass – but a closer look shows there’s often a lot of variety. These tiny flowers at Cormicy in June 2022, for example, brought to mind those that grew on the graves of Theoden’s ancestors in The Lord of the Rings.

A single white flower with yellow centre on a 'lawn' of very un-grass like 'grass'.

Sometimes, where issues of climate and location present specific issues, there are variations such as low hedges which are planted on each terraced level of the cemetery. as at Chêne Millet (68) – which features as the header image for this post – they’re probably intended to prevent erosion by snow or heavy rain.

Of course, all these elements add order to what was initially a much more varied arrangement of graves. I’ll end this post with a photograph from 1915 of a military burial site that has now ceased to exist. This was the ‘Upper Cemetery’ at Vieux-Thann in Alsace. The bodies of those buried in this cemetery were subsequently moved to the Nécropole Nationale de Cernay or the military cemetery at Colmar. There’s a good deal less uniformity about the graves and the markers and, obviously, the latter are wood and temporary. There’s a very republican approach to the uniformity of the modern lieux de sépultures de militaires français but, in that uniformity, something also of a European nation with a long history of loss and conflict. For someone French (or German, or indeed, from a host of other continental European nations) there’s an understanding of what such sites are and their characteristics. For me (and I suspect many others), inhabiting a small island off the coast of mainland Europe, somewhat insulated from the ravages of continental warfare until the 20th Century, there’s undoubtedly a moment of awe and horror when ‘among the crosses, row on row’ you encounter effectively the burial pits of the Napoleonic Wars and le Colonel Chabert – hundreds, if not thousands, of bodies mostly unable to be identified and flung into mass graves – an aspect of ‘the French experience of the First World War’ that perhaps we will never truly understand.

French war graves and monument in the Upper Cemetery at Vieux-Thann (Alsace), 30 October 1915. The bodies of those buried in this cemetery were subsequently moved to the Nécropole Nationale de Cernay or the military cemetery at Colmar.
IWM (Q 80085): French war graves and monument in the Upper Cemetery at Vieux-Thann (Alsace), 30 October 1915. 

A Marne Morning with le maréchal Maunoury

At a conveniently short distance via the RER public transport network and buses to the east of Paris, there’s a host of First World War sites to visit. Of course, Paris has plenty of attractions: the very high tower, the other (even-higher) tower, the religious building up the hill, the other religious building that’s down by the river, the railway stations that are museums, the railway stations that are … railway stations. More museums. Art galleries. Restaurants. Cafés. Les grand magasins … no need for me to tell YOU. You’re sophisticated, you’ve been to them all. You’re a seasoned independent traveller.

But, if this is all you go to Paris to see, you’re missing out on the delights* of les banlieues and the commuter towns that have untasted treats waiting for you to enjoy. From Beauvais and Chantilly in the north through an arc to Melun in the south-east, there’s plenty to discover. Here are museums too: the Musée de la Grande Guerre at Meaux, the Musée de la Gendarmerie nationale at Melun. On the ‘P’ line you can get as far as Château-Thierry with the option of La Ferté-sous-Jouarre on the way. Visiting the Musée des Spahis at Senlis, however, seems to be beyond ambition without a car. Chantilly and Compiègne I have planned for a future trip. Of course, there are places to go, things to see, to the west. But for now, it’s time for to Look East.

This post’s not about museums or restaurants (although it does feature one charming encounter with a boulangerie). Everything in it is free to see and taken together they amount to … A Grand Day Out.

Things really begin at la gare de Noisy-le-Sec. Here it is around 1914 as seen in a carte postale:

Ancienne carte postale montrant la gare de Noisy-le-Sec.

An old postcard showing Noisy-le-Sec station.

It’s not really like that at all now. For one thing, this building’s buried behind a later portico and the sightlines are really obscured. For another, a lot of this site was bombed by the Allies in 1944. What’s important is that the same portico bears a couple of plaques that explain the significance of this place:

Aside from the intriguing fact that in 1897, a meeting between Queen Victoria and President Félix Faure took place at Noisy station (What?! Why?!), we learn that this was a famous gare régulatrice – a supply centre at the interface between the zone de l’intérieur under the authority of the civil government and the zone des armées under military control. Under joint civil-military control men, supplies, horses, mail, etc from the interior were sorted and despatched to the destinations that the military deemed they were needed. It wasn’t just a station. On the eve of the First World War, 2,300 people worked at Noisy-le-Sec for the Compagnie des chemins de fer de l’Est but this place became, during the conflict, one of the most important regulatory centres in France for the transport of troops. It was certainly the biggest. In everyday military parlance from what I can understand (and I may well be wrong), a gare régulatrice operated at the army level, but Noisy-le-Sec was a sort of ‘super-regulatory station’ through which huge volumes of men and matériel passed on the way to various of the armies in the north and east of France.

The station and marshalling yards were guarded throughout the war by 3 companies of the 2e bataillon of the 20e Régiment Territorial d’Infanterie and the regiment’s brief war history captures their essential work really well:

« Là, les 3e, 7e et 8e compagnies resteront jusqu’à la fin de la campagne à fournir une garde nombreuse à la gare de Noisy-le-Sec, des corvées de ravitaillement et des convoyeurs. Rôle ingrat et pénible par excellence. Là, pas d’actions héroïques, pas de citations, pas de gloire, pas d’honneurs, mais un labeur régulier, dur, fatigant pour nos vieux « Pépères »1 qui, d’un œil vigilant et par tous les temps, regardent passer les trains qui inlassablement filent vers le front et emportent dans leurs flancs, dans la nuit, là-bas, tout ce qui peut, tout ce qui doit faire la guerre. »

“… no heroic actions, no citations, no glory, no honours, but regular, hard, tiring work for our old “Pépères” who, with a vigilant eye and in all weathers, watch the trains pass by as they tirelessly rush towards the front and carry in their flanks, in the night, over there, everything that can, everything that must make war”.

Les GVC sont des réservistes de l’armée territoriale. Ce sont les barbes grises qui gardent avec conscience et mélancolie les voies ferrées et les ponts. Ils ne sont souvent pas bien dégourdis, presque toujours fagotés dans des capotes de couleur bizarres qui ne sont guère à leur mesure, armés de fusils Gras et de baïonnettes antiques qui s’adaptent mal à leur fusil. Ils ont dû faire allonger leur ceinturon pour pouvoir le boucler et ils portent les derniers pantalons rouges. Ils ne sont pas élégants, mais qu’importe? Ce sont de braves gens et si utiles, quoi qu’il en paraisse.

The G.V.C. are reservists of the Territorial Army. These are the grey beards who keep guard conscientiously and with melancholy the railways and bridges. They are often ill at ease, almost always dressed in overcoats of strange colours of the wrong size, armed with Gras rifles and ancient bayonets that don't properly fit to their guns. They had to extend their belts to be able to fasten them and they wear the last (remaining) red pants. They are not elegant, but who cares? They are good people and are helpful, whatever it may seem.
Auguste Lepère (1849–1918)
Le G. V. C. (Gardes des voies de communications), from La Guerre de 1914, first series, no. 9.
The Yale University Art Gallery
Accession number: 1985.76.1.14

It’s then a train to Le Raincy or, more properly, to give the station its full name, Raincy Villemomble Montfermeil. Here’s where the history comes in reverse chronological order. You can fit the pieces together in the ‘proper’ order in your own time. Up the hill along the main road from the station for about 10 minutes, pausing only at a mini roundabout. Suddenly, from a fair distance away the sweetest, cheeriest « Coucou ! » stopped me in my tracks. It’s from a young woman behind the counter in L’Atelier de Warren and all I can say to Warren, the owner of this boulangerie, is that it’s a winning sales approach – although the young lady was probably equally surprised to find that her customer wasn’t French, but British as I mangled the words of her native tongue. If you want people to feel welcome in your town, more random salutations will work wonders. You’ll sell more croissants as well.

A little further is the first stop in Le Raincy: l’Église Notre-Dame de Consolation. Superficially, it’s misleading. Made of concrete with a tower that aspires to be spire-like but isn’t, its secrets are its foundation story and its windows. The commune of Le Raincy had a growing population on the eve of the Grande Guerre and in 1918 the curé of the parish, Abbé Félix Négre, with a very limited budget, chose as the architects, Auguste and Gustave Perret, specialists in reinforced concrete, a material that allowed for low-cost construction. The church was built in a few months, and inaugurated and consecrated in June 1923. It immediately generated considerable interest in architectural circles – dubbed « la Sainte-Chapelle du béton armé » by Le Corbusier, it’s been a Classified Monument Historique since 1966.

But the church was also always intended as a memorial to France’s victory on the Marne (and more specifically in the Battle of the Ourcq which was fought nearby) in September 1914, and there’s a stained-glass window, called « La Vierge aux Taxis », which depicts taxis, one or more piou-piou,2 a zouave of l’armée d’Afrique, l’abbé Félix Nègre himself, and generals in their red and gold-braided képis – more of them shortly. These depictions, it’s suggested by those of Le Raincy, were intended to evoke memories of the victory at the Ourcq and the departure from the town, in September 1914, of one of the columns of taxis for the Marne battle3.

Click on any of the images below to enlarge them:


Regarding the généraux depicted, I’m fairly sure the two whose faces are visible are meant to be the pince-nez wearing Joseph-Simon Gallieni, gouverneur militaire of Paris – the man who, drawing on his pre-war experience in the 1912 autumn manoeuvres of the use of motor cars to move a battalion of men to a key operational point, acted to requisition Paris taxis to carry around 4,000 men from the 103e and 104e Régiments d’Infanterie to Nanteuil-le-Haudouin on the flank of the advancing German forces – and Michel-Joseph Maunoury, commander of the 6e armée, who was then responsible for the deployment and successful use of these troops in the battle.

It’s Maunoury who we follow to the next points of interest – just around 5 minutes’ walk further up l’avenue de la Résistance.

The Mairie of Le Raincy - a four-storey building with a central spire rising from a steeply sloped roof above a clock set into the face of the building at the height of the fourth storey. There are steps up to the large main central door and a basement level. A long green banner hangs down on the closest end of the building. A reddy-pink hard driveway curves up to the front of the building past garden borders and bushes.

Slightly set back from the road in a garden with topiarised hedges and tall palm trees, stands the Mairie of Le Raincy – which served as Maunoury’s headquarters during the opening of the battle. There’s no plaque to record this as far as I could tell, but the area behind the building is Parc Maunoury.

No matter, because across the road and a little way back toward the railway station at a crossroads and, again, slightly back from the road is the town’s war memorial which takes its opportunity to commemorate the role of the town hall in the events of September 1914.

Although rather worn in places, it should be possible to read below the figure with outstretched arms and the names of the fallen the words :

« DU 2 AU 10 SEPTEMBRE 1914 LE GÉNÉRAL MAUNOURY AVAIT SON QUARTIER GÉNÉRAL AU RAINCY »

carved beneath a bas relief showing the general stood in front of the mairie ordering forward a body of men with rifles on their shoulders with a gesture of his arm. Other officers (one perhaps a dragon) and men look on. One of the latter stands in front of what is presumably a ‘Marne taxi’ and wears the gauntlets of a conducteur. A stooped and bent man (one of the ‘walking wounded’) heads in the other direction. A man with rifle at rest stands in front of the car and a horse. It’s inevitable, but sad, that pollution has somewhat effaced the details of the figures.

Back to the railway station, pausing only briefly to admire l’ancienne Poste in allée Théophile Binet with its art déco façade, which I think was built in 1915 (suggesting an unfortunate fate for its predecessor), before taking another RER train just one stop to Gagny to meet a surviving veteran of the battle of the Ourcq – «un authentique taxi de la Marne, sur la nouvelle place Foch de Gagny ».

The former post office of Le Raincy in allée Théophile Binet with its art déco façade. The words 'Telegraphes', 'Postes' and 'Telephones' are picked out in stylish mid-blue capital letters on a light-yellow background. At the top of the building in the centre is an arch with 'Le Raincy' in blue on yellow underneath.

The commune of Gagny is rather less keen to acknowledge Le Raincy having been (as is claimed in connection with l’Église Notre-Dame de Consolation) the place of departure of one of the columns of taxis for the Marne battle. In fact, it doesn’t. At all. What Gagny has to say is this:

Environ 600 taxis parisiens sont déployés pour transporter les soldats. Rassemblés aux Invalides, les taxis partent au cours de la nuit, en direction de Tremblay-Lès-Gonesse (aujourd’hui Tremblay-en-France) puis du Mesnil-Amelot. Dans la journée du 7 septembre, pour des questions de logistique, ce convoi redescend sur Sevran-Livry. Pendant ce temps un second convoi d’un millier de véhicules quitte les Invalides pour rejoindre Gagny. Pour charger les troupes et organiser les convois, les taxis sont rassemblés à Livry-Gargan et à Gagny, sur la grande place (actuelle place Foch) où se rendra le Général Gallieni pour s’assurer du bon fonctionnement du dispositif.4

Keeping it factual. La commune de Gagny‘s big draw then is to say “come and see an authentic taxi de la Marne on the site from where the taxis left for the battle carrying their soldiers.” You can see a taxi de la Marne at le musée de l’Armée in Paris. You can see one in le musée de la Grande Guerre at Meaux. I’ve seen both. But there’s one that’s come back to where it was a witness to war.

Sure enough, there it was.

By the way, when you trace the route taken by the taxis, you immediately realise that they went right by where Charles de Gaulle Airport now is. Now, I don’t fly to Paris (Eurostar into the heart of Paris for me), but if you do from wherever, think about that when you’re taxiing along one of the 4 runways.

That takes us to the end of the morning part of a one-day excursion. After this I had a convoluted journey in the valley of the Marne that included visiting a military cemetery with a lot to prompt a future blog post, a ‘drive by’ (OK, rapid walk-by) of Fort de Nogent– one of the forts that encircle Paris and the base of la Légion étrangère (so I was very careful not to get too close), a place with memorials to some of France’s truly forgotten Great War troops and a little-known (unless you’re an American in Paris) sporting venue with a great history. Probably all the subject of future posts on the blog or other social media. You can follow me on BlueSky at https://bsky.app/profile/vingtfrong.bsky.social and debout_les_morts on Instagram. I hope this one’s inspired you to go suburban if you’re ever in the Île-de-France.

Postscript: You couldn’t call Gagny attractive, but when I researched this visit, it had two attractions that I really looked forward to seeing. The taxi was the main one and didn’t disappoint (well, apart from whether it was sufficiently protected in the ‘glass’ case it’s housed in from damage by the effects of the sun and heat). The other (spotted on Google Street View) was the massive floral ‘dinosaur’ in the green space nearby! Incroyable ! Sadly, I’d failed to notice that the view was from 2012 and, although there have been other floral creations there since (for example, a lion and a zebra, I seem to think), the dinosaur is long gone. Which I can’t help feeling is a missed opportunity by the local authorities. I mean I’d go and see them together like a shot. Wouldn’t you?

*I will not be called to account for the use of this phrase.

  1. « Pépère » = ‘Grandad’. Interestingly, also used for a ‘quiet sector’ in the war, it’s now sometimes used for something ‘cushy’ or easy. ↩︎
  2. In September 1914, this term was more commonly used for les soldats in 1914, poilus (‘hairy men’) really referring to the appearance of the soldiers after periods of trench warfare. ↩︎
  3. The First Battle of the Marne took place from 5-12 September 1914. The fighting took place along a curved line of c.225 km from the camp retranché de Paris through Champagne and Argonne to the fortified city of Verdun.
    This combat zone can be subdivided into several sections of more or less important battles: to the West, the battles of the Ourcq and the two Morins (5-9 Sep); in the centre, the battles of the marshes of Saint-Gond (5-9 Sep) and Vitry (6-9 Sep), and, to the East, the battle of Revigny (6-10 Sep). ↩︎
  4. https://www.gagny.fr/ma-ville/histoire/la-grande-histoire-de-gagny/les-taxis-de-la-marne/#:~:text=Environ%20600%20taxis,fonctionnement%20du%20dispositif. ↩︎

French Private Memorials: What’s the Story?

On a long straight stretch of the D995 road that runs across the Marne département from Vitry-le-François along the valley of La Saulx river and the Canal de la Marne au Rhin, outside the rural commune of Le Buisson stands a memorial to the 11eme Compagnie du 72eme Régiment d’Infanterie (RI). It commemorates that unit’s actions in the fighting of 6 September 1914 – what we know as the First Battle of the Marne. But we’re over 100km from the area traditionally associated with ‘the miracle of the Marne’ and Gallieni’s Paris Taxis. This was the sector of Fernand Langle de Cary’s 4e Armée and, although elsewhere the Allied forces were turning on the German forces that had pursued and harassed them during their retreat after defeat in the Battle of the Frontiers and making tentative beginnings at offensive operations, here the story on that day and for some days after was still very much one of retreating French forces trying to stop, or at least delay, their German opponents.

This was the nature of the action which 72e RI was fighting and which the memorial to the 11e compagnie commemorates.

Memorial to the 11th company of the French 72nd Infantry Regiment - a grey stone obelisk with a wide base with a steel broadsword horizontally fixed to its longest side and narrowing somewhat to a flat top and having a cross and dedication on the narrower upper part

Memorial to the 11eme compagnie du 72e Régiment d’Infanterie. Combat du 6 Septembre 1914: le Buisson, Marne (51). (My own collection: June 2022).

It’s a sizeable memorial. When I first saw it, I was surprised to discover that it was a memorial to such a relatively small unit – one company of just 200 men. And looking into the background to it and the events of early September 1914, I’m still mulling over why these particular events at that particular time were the focus of subsequent memorialisation by the unit’s survivors.

But the memorial doesn’t stand on its own. Enclosed by a hedge of shrubs, the memorial has an individual soldier memorial to keep it company. Hippolyte Honoré François Joseph BROSSE was a member of the same regiment and the same company. His name appears on the main memorial. But he has his own monument as well. The obvious question again and again is ‘Why?’

Memorial at le Buisson, Marne (51) to soldat de 2e classe Hippolyte Honoré François Joseph BROSSE of Taverny, Seine-et-Oise (now in the Val d’Oise (95) département). (My own collection: June 2022).

Why this particular soldier (after all, Hippolyte was ‘just’ an ordinary private)? Well, we know from the stone that this is where he was killed in action (actually his Mort pour La France index card states he died as a result of injury « suite de blessure »). But why him? The 72e RI was involved in fighting from September 6 to 11, 1914, defending an area covering the villages and hamlets of Le Buisson to Pargny-sur-Saulx and then further south, around Maurupt-le-Montois. The regiment lost nearly 1,800 soldiers (killed, wounded, prisoners, missing) during this fighting. Here’s one man commemorated with his own stone and dedication.

Also, there’s that dedication in Latin: Cecedit miles fortis in proellio – ‘A strong soldier dies in battle’. It suggests Hippolyte Brosse deserved, in the eyes of his comrades or (more probably) his family, some recognition for his actions in battle. Perhaps, of course, not just, or specifically, in this battle. This was where he died. He may have seen fighting elsewhere, but the 72e RI had seen relatively little action in the advance to, and the retreat from, the Belgian frontier after the defeat and appalling casualties inflicted on French forces elsewhere and, although the 11eme compagnie of the regiment gets a few mentions in this period in the regiment’s Journal des marches et opérations (JMO) – the equivalent of a British Army unit’s War Diary – there’s nothing detailing significant fighting. So, it seems reasonable to assume that, if the commemoration is for actions in combat, it was here. Exceptional soldierly conduct during the very long retreat the regiment had endured can’t, of course, be entirely ruled out.

All we can learn from the regimental JMO of the fighting of 6 September 1914 – the day soldat de 2e classe Hippolyte Brosse died – is that in the morning the 3e Bataillon (of which the 11e Compagnie was a part) was ordered to move forward to relieve the outposts (les avant-postes) of the Corps Colonial and this brought the company to Le Buisson. Around 9.00am, a strong German attack began that forced the battalion to retire. Two unsuccessful counter-attacks by the 10e and 12e compagnies took place in the afternoon and in the night the battalion regrouped on the Moulin de Maurupt.

The defence around Pargny-sur-Saulx and Maurupt-le-Montois by the regiment continued until 11 September with considerable losses to both sides. However, the regimental JMO then describes how the 72e, on 12 September, having been reinforced with 295 men, advanced in pursuit of the Germans who had begun retreating towards the North. The end of their battle of the Marne.

I’ve found no subsequent citation or mention for Hippolyte Brosse in the JMO and there’s no official recognition for his actions recorded on his service record in the registres d’incorporation militaire held in the Archives départementales des Yvelines et de l’ancienne Seine-et-Oise. In fact, it’s very sparse … and sadder for that. You can see for yourself here.

Searches to establish something about his family background (such as whether his parents were wealthy, influential or both) have yielded no clues. The family seems the more likely of the two most obvious options for the memorial stone and dedication given the date of Hippolyte’s death and the very slim life chances for « ceux de ’14 » to have survived the war.

The purpose of this blog post wasn’t to provide answers. Further research (perhaps looking at the post-war regional press to find an account of the unveiling and dedication ceremony (or ceremonies for the two memorials)) might give useful information on what was a relatively exceptional tribute for one of the approximately 1,357,800 French dead in the war. What can be said is that each of the French private memorials on the Western Front (and there are undoubtedly more French private memorials than say, British or American*) has its own story attached to it. Each merits a study of the individual and what the memorial is commemorating – the deeds of the soldier and his death in battle, or simply the man, perhaps as a loved and cherished family member whose life was cut short in the tragedy of war.

The circumstances of each man’s death can provide a wealth of insights into the conduct of the war and the realities of the individual soldier’s experience. Hippolyte Brosse’s war was a very short one. He was « 19 ans, 10 mois et 13 jours » (as the Mémoire des Hommes web site tells us) when he died. From these two facts alone we’re reminded that wars are usually fought by the young (sometimes the very young – still a teenager in this case) and that, as a modern industrial war, la Grande Guerre was already ravenously devouring the lives of the men of the French nation from the earliest days. It would continue to do so for more than another four years.

* The situation with German memorials is complicated by Alsace and Lorraine being, effectively, a part of Germany until the Treaty of Versailles officially handed them over to France and by the years when German troops occupied areas of North East France).

Propaganda, Nostalgia, Children’s Literature and Peepo!

Let me introduce you to « Le Paradis Tricolore ». It’s a book that’s held a particular fascination for me for some time. It’s a book intended for children. So, what’s its relevance to this blog?
Well, it’s about that disputed region, Alsace, at the time of la Grande Guerre. It’s full of colour, with illustrations on every page, and features sweet children in traditional costumes and the beautiful villages of the region. In its pages appear many French soldiers as cheerful liberators of this “Tricolour Paradise”, warmly welcomed by the people and, especially, by the children « Car le Poilu de France et les enfants d’Alsace sont de grands amis ».
A remarkable book.
It’s blatant propaganda, strongly nationalistic and his pen name might seem weirdly creepy to modern tastes (« l’oncle Hansi » ?!) and yet the book is fascinating for its narrative and, in some aspects, its accuracy. We’ll come to that later.

« Hansi » or « Oncle Hansi » was Jean-Jacques Waltz. The website of the tourist office of Colmar, where he was born in 1873 (two years after Alsace was annexed by Germany after France’s defeat in the War of 1870-71) does a good job of placing the man in context. The son of a museum curator, he studied at l’Académie des Beaux-Arts de Lyon from 1892 to 1895, before returning to Alsace to work as a textile designer. From 1909 he devoted himself exclusively to drawing. A good part of his work shows a deep anti-German sentiment and a strong attachment of Alsatians to France, with a desire on their part to become French again. His works mocked Germans visiting Alsace and he was imprisoned several times for this. Just before the war, he fled to France and, when war broke out, joined the French army and became a propagandist. After the war, his books portrayed a patriotic Alsace which was happy to be French again. But, as the tourist office says “this idyllic image of a rural, wonderful, pleasant, red, white and blue and somewhat backward-looking and folkloric Alsace did not correspond to reality”. The detail of Alsace’s history is much more complicated than perhaps many of us think.

Waltz was more popular and successful in his career than perhaps we can appreciate.

When I first saw « Le Paradis Tricolore », it immediately put me in mind of Peepo! by Janet and Allan Ahlberg – a book that was very popular with my children (and me!) when they were very small. If you don’t know it, there’s a couple of images in the slideshow below to help you. Peepo! is a story in rhyme of an infant in (Second World War) wartime Britain. The backdrop of barrage balloons, bombed buildings, people in uniform and RAF planes feels entirely incidental to the story. But the detail of the period is beautifully captured in the late Janet Ahlberg’s illustrations of tin baths, clothes horses, sleeveless sweaters, tin mugs and tea cosies.

Allan Ahlberg has made clear that the nostalgia in these images references his own wartime childhood. In many ways, it’s possible to see it as incidental to the story. However, the accuracy of portrayal of OXO tins and terraced house outhouses is vital to this nostalgia. It works brilliantly.

Hansi’s purpose is in both romanticising Alsace and its French connections and satirising the Germans. But, in order to do this, his depictions of villages and towns need to be completely faithful to reality at the time the war ended. Churches, public buildings and houses in places like Thann and Massevaux are faithfully captured. Some locations still recognisable and largely unchanged. Would a child notice these details? Perhaps not. But an adult reading to a child would – just as I did with Peepo!.

However, it’s not just the buildings. Looking at the detail of the uniforms of the French soldiers shows they too are remarkably accurate – down to the rank insignia, the « chevrons d’ancienneté de presence » and trade badges (see my previous post here for examples). Even the presence of colonial troops (by 1918 a hugely important part of the French war effort) is included (« j’ai vu des Poilus Sénégalais tout noirs, un large coutelas à la ceinture, qui ont un air terrible »). Sadly, the ‘Senegalese’ men themselves appear as dreadful racial stereotypes characteristic of the period. But their uniforms are kaki – another important historical detail.

Somewhat incongruously, a zouave, with carefully prepared cover story, appears in the 1914 uniform that was completely unsuitable for the type of warfare encountered in the Great War (« c’est un des nombreux engagés volontaires alsaciens, qui pour venir en permission tiennent à mettre la tenue légendaire de ce corps. »). This is also a subtle acknowledgement of the pieds-noirs who had fled Alsace after the War of 1870-71 and who resettled in Algeria, from where many of the zouave units recruited. Other incidental details ‘celebrate’ the other troops who fought in this sector of the Western Front including the chasseurs alpins and l’armée de l’air.

Having technically committed treason as a citizen of Imperial German Alsace in 1914 (see this remarkable Bekanntmachung, issued on 1 September 1914), Hansi was a target for the German Nazis in the Second World War and was viciously beaten by Gestapo agents in April 1941. Fortunately, he survived and lived until 1951, a Commandeur de la Légion d’Honneur and a recipient of the Croix de guerre avec palmes from each of the two world wars.

Outside his native Alsace, he may not be well-known but, like Georges Spitzmuller, more important during his lifetime than is recognised.

(Very) Early ‘Pilgrimages’ to the Great War battlefields

The little-known story of the 1919 First World War Battlefield tours organised by a French railway company.

The three souvenir guides produced by the Chemin de Fer du Nord for the first three 1919 rail Pilgrimages to the World War One battlefields (from the author’s collection).

There has been recent good work produced in English on what is variously termed ‘battlefield tourism’, ‘pilgrimages to the Western Front’ and ‘remembrance tourism’. This has focused on both informal small groups and larger, formal tours – the latter arranged by organisations like the British Legion and the St. Barnabas Society. However, while there are several French language journal articles and blog posts on the subject of battlefield tourism by rail – an area in which La Compagnie du chemin de fer du Nord and, later, La Compagnie des chemins de fer de l’Est (also known as La Compagnie de l’Est) realised a potential commercial opportunity, there’s seemingly not much in English.

Right here, I’m going to make clear that the list of links at the end of this article points to more detailed studies in French that are thoroughly recommended. What follows is only an overview of the subject in part motivated by the acquisition of the three souvenir booklets shown in the slide show above (and other ephemera – which we will come to).

The French called these battlefield visits « pèlerinages » or ‘pilgrimages’ – a sympathetic term (despite the hard-nosed commercialism from the rail companies) in a predominantly-Catholic country that had the visit to a religious site in search of an answer, or a miracle, still deeply embedded in its national character at this time. The term « circuit touristique » (which you see in the Guide Michelin) was considered inappropriate.

The first rail excursions to the battlefields from Paris were made by groups of journalists and business people and civic dignitaries. But, starting from 11 May 1919, the first « train de pèlerinage » ran every Sunday and, soon, every Sunday and Thursday to Albert, Arras and Lens via the Ancre valley and Vimy. Aller-retour tickets between Paris and Albert were priced at 42,80 F (Francs) for 1e classe (I’d be really grateful if someone could reply with a reliable calculation of the equivalent amount in Euros, US Dollars or Pounds Sterling today) while 2e and 3e classe were, in turn, about ten francs cheaper than the higher class. Trains left Gare du Nord at 7.20 a.m. and arrived back at 7.45 p.m. Travel beyond Albert was by baladeuses – tram cars transformed specially-equipped open wagons.. Later tours sometimes included travel by buses. Travellers could pick up souvenirs of their trip at any of the stops and postcards and tourist guides like the examples above were available to buy.

From 15 June, a second “Battle of the Somme” pilgrimage ran on Sundays and Tuesdays, then from 9 October just on Sundays. The round trip from Paris went to Montdidier, Chaulnes, Péronne, Cléry and Maurepas in ten hours. In other words, quite clearly, the French Bataille de la Somme. The ticket costs between 18 and 35 F.

On 13 July, a “Chemin des Dames” pilgrimage commenced and ran on Sundays, Thursdays and holidays. This time the round trip from Paris, went via Coucy-le-Château, Anizy, Chailvet, the Chemin des Dames and Crouy to Soissons. This took twelve hours and cost between 35 and 51 F. To see the Chemins des Dames, passengers had to ride in the buses of the Société de construction et d’entretien de équipements industriels et agricoles (SCEMIA), which was contracted for the work.

Items from my collection relating to the 1919 « pèlerinages » : publicity leaflet for the 1st Pèlerinage including information on fast rail services to London, Brussels, Amsterdam, Cologne and « les Pays Rhénans occupés » and this in July 1919 (left and centre) and 2nd class ticket to Péronne dated 28 August 1919 (right) found in a guidebook for the 2nd tour but, presumably, given the date was a Monday, not from the tour itself.

From July 1919, la Compagnie du chemin de fer du Nord took a significant step in introducing a fourth daily tour. Under the name « Une journée aux champs de bataille franco-anglais » (“A day in the Franco-English battlefields”) the tour, which had only two classes (1st and 2nd), took fifteen hours and ran from Paris to Albert or Arras, via Bapaume, Bullecourt, Vimy and Lens. Tickets cost between 85 and 99 F. Road transport from the Société française des auto-mails supplemented the rail element and offered a means for ‘pilgrims’ to join the tour from places outside Paris, or travel solely by road. The poster below from a later road tour of the battlefields of Alsace-Lorraine gives a good illustration of an ‘auto-mail’.

Poster entitled « Visite des Champs de Bataille et de l'Alsace-Lorraine » showing a battlefield tour itinerary and travellers in a yellow 'auto-mail' or charabanc.

Image courtesy of Imperial War Museums (© IWM Art.IWM PST 12773)

A 5th rail tour beginning on 25 October 1919 entitled « Les Champs de bataille d’Ypres » ran daily from Paris to Lille, Armentières, Locre, Ypres and Gheluvelt and took 14 hours. Tickets were 93 F (2nd class) and 110 F (1st).

The rail tours ran again in 1920 on modified itineraries and to some new locations but at the end of the year, the rail company decided to discontinue them, in part, [perhaps because tours by road transport were offering greater flexibility and were proving more popular.

Finally, a short list of articles and websites in French that cover this subject in more detail. I recommend them all:

Journal article:

Gersende Piernas, « Les pèlerinages dans les régions dévastées du nord de la France organisés par la Compagnie du chemin de fer du Nord au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale », In Situ [En ligne], 25 | 2014, mis en ligne le 10 décembre 2014, consulté le 14 février 2023. URL :http://journals.openedition.org/insitu/11420 

DOI :https://doi.org/10.4000/insitu.11420

Blogs and Websites:

Les pèlerinages dans les régions dévastées de la France organisés par les Compagnies des chemin de fer du Nord et de l’Est – this covers battlefield tours by road and rail.

Promenons-nous aux champs … de bataille !

More Resources: Dictionaries

If they haven’t already, someone needs to look at the printed material produced during and immediately after the First World War for orientating the foreign soldier and, subsequently, the battlefield tourist or ‘pilgrim’.

Here’s a fine example:

Example page from Self pronouncing 9,000 names of places in the war zones: Belgium, Germany, Luxemburg, Switzerland, Austria-Hungary, Italy, France
(Rand, McNally & Co., 1919)

The whole of this very helpful guide (its accuracy needs to be tested before it can be recommended!) can be found here.

A further example was not a new publication but a reprint. Cornélis De Witt Willcox’s A French-English military technical dictionary : with a supplement containing recent military and technical terms had originally been published in 1899, but was republished by the United States’ War Department in September 1917.

The detail is simply staggering. But how useful a book using terms for technology from the previous century was in the rapidly changing environment of the First World War is questionable. Judge for yourself from this sample page:

Example page from . Cornélis De Witt Willcox, A French-English military technical dictionary : with a supplement containing recent military and technical terms
(US Government Printing Office, Washington, 1899)

The variety of anneau (a ring, collar, hoop or link of a chain) is astonishing and some outdated technology (such as the Gardner Gun) feature among the equipment-, harness, pole-chain- and mooring rings.

There’s a growing field of study around language and war but it’s of particular interest to me when it comes to the operational co-operation and liaison between two nations that speak different languages. Specifically, the British and the French. There’s been some work on the methods of liaison in use between the two high commands (particularly on the Somme in 1916, by the late Elizabeth Greenhalgh). My own focus is on this infrastructure, if it existed, under extreme crisis, as it was in the Spring of 1918 during the German Kaiserschlacht offensives.

I’ll add further examples of what might have been less-than-adequate tools of the trade as my research continues. Meanwhile, if you want to maximise your enjoyment of Willcox’s work, you can find viewable and downloadable versions here (courtesy of the Internet Archive).

«Le costume Abrami»

The 52-franc demob suit

Before demobilization, soldiers were offered a new civilian suit of clothes to be collected from the demobilization depot against payment of an indemnity of 52 francs. This “52-franc suit” also known as the “Abrami suit” after the secretary of state for war, Léon Abrami, or the “Clemenceau”, was made from transformed military clothing. However, the post-war realities of a return to civilian life with a high cost of living meant most soldiers preferred to take the 52 francs compensation or a clothing voucher of same value.. Either way, this was barely sufficient to allow anyone to dress properly.

Image Credits: Sous-secrétariat d’État des effectifs. Ministère de la guerre. M. Abrami, sous-secrétaire d’État (VAL 381/075) (https://argonnaute.parisnanterre.fr/); SPA 78 X 3261 (Établissement de Communication et de Production Audiovisuelle de la Défense. (ECPAD) (http://archives.ecpad.fr/); costume Abrami (Musée de la Grande Guerre Meaux : https://www.museedelagrandeguerre.eu/)

Originally, the Clemenceau government had suggested that every demobilised soldier might be given his helmet to take home as a remembrance of his war experiences, and that one might be given to the families of those killed or missing. But it soon seemed preferable to provide them with work clothing which would protect them against the harsh winter.

In the first phase of demobilization, the indemnity was more welcome than the ‘suit’, which was rushed out of already old stocks, or made with transformed and dyed military effects. Later, some demobilized soldiers, finding that they could not buy anything decent with such a small sum as the 52 francs allocated to them, did take the clothing option.

Testimonies of these “soldiers disguised as civilians” suggest a feeling of humiliation, rather than recognition of the clothing as a means to regain a foothold in civilian life. While, many years later, people would say of a veteran who put on his demob suit for a ceremony or parade: “Today, he wore his Clemenceau.”